MAKING APPROPRIATIONS FOR THE SUPPORT OF THE MILITARY Checked BOSTON : PRINTED BY C. STEBBINS. 1814. of country which I have the honour to represent, the withholding of supplies, the refusing to levy men, or raise money, or any other incident, would not impede its prosecution. If, sir, it appealed to these heaven-born principles for support, the citizens of Massachusetts, never insensible to them, notwithstanding the many dark surmises against them, and the many illiberal, not to say indecent remarks, to which they have been subject in the course of this debate, would be found where they ever have been, and ever will be, when those pure principles call them to action, in the front rank of effort and danger. This is the proud and elevated ground on which the true history of your country has placed them. In the glorious contest which achieved our independence, in which Massachusetts took counsel alone of her courage, her supplies of men and money were greatly beyond that of any other state in the Union, whatever may be their pride or their boasting. In a war in which "the pure principles of patriotism and the pride of liberty" beat to arms, the place which has ever known Massachusetts, would know her again, Though the President has said that the war appeals to "the pure principles of Patriotism and the pride of liberty for support," he has not condescended to show how, or in what manner, it does so. It rests wholly in assertion. And if he had said directly the reverse, the position would at least have been as well supported. In my mind, its character is the antipode of that which is given it by the President. The prosecution of it, after the revocation of the orders in council, was unjust, as it respects our enemy, and pre-eminently so, as it respects our own country. Not believing in the justice, nécessity, or expediency of the war, I am against its farther prosecution; and it is my wish to admonish the administration to effect an armistice, and make a peace by the only means which are left us, by shutting our hand and withholding supplies. Some gentlemen seem to act under the impression that the minority are faulty in not concurring in the granting of supplies; that the Congress in 1812 having declared war, we are committed and must make the necessary provision for carrying it on. This I do not admit to be sound doctrine. We are as much at liberty to think for ourselves, and act according to our opinions, as our predecessors were. Acts of legislatures which are in the nature of grants, it is true, are irrevocable, but the declaration of war is not of that character. An after legislature, with reference to such an act, is not bound to effectuate the purposes of a former one. It is not only their right, but their duty, to rescue their country from destruction. This unjustifiable claim of superiority, on behalf of the last Congress, and of a sort of vassalage to them, on the part of the present, is not to be admitted or endured. Whether or not the war was just at the time when it was declared, is of no imporTo prosecute it without cause, is as unwarrantable as to commence it without justice. After the revocation of the orders in council, I contend that we had no cause for prosecuting the tance. war, which was just, even as it respects our enemy. But if it were just, as it respects our enemy, in the situation of our country it was unjust and cruel, as it respects our own country, and against the duty which the government owes to its citizens. If we had just cause of war, as it respects our enemy and our own country, it ought not to have been declared until negotiation had been fully and fairly tried, and the alternative of war or satisfaction had been presented to the enemy. If just cause of war existed, and negotiation had been tried and exhausted, to prosecute it by invading Canada, and carrying misery and destruction to its inhabitants, in as much as invading them has no tendency to enforce our rights, which are said to be violated, or to compensate us for the injuries said to be sustained, is wanton and cruel. The mischief done to them is merely gratuitous. To make a war just, as it respects our enemy, it is necessary that they should have done us an injury of such magnitude as to be good cause of war, not accidentally, but intentionally, claiming a right to do it, or in contempt of our rights, and that we should have called for satisfaction, and it should have been denied us. War is a tremendous evil, and ought not to be resorted to for light reasons. It is the last resort, the ultima ratio of man, and the greatest temporal Scourge of GOD. It is with surprise and deep regret that I hear it spoken of with so much insensibility by gentlemen of the ma'jority. The bloody, the wasting work of war, seems to be considered as an amusement, or a trifling game of hazard. Having failed in two campaigns, prosecuted at an amazing expense of blood, treasure and human happiness, another effort is spoken of with as much sang froid as a second hit in a game of back gam mon. The misfortune of the world is, that they who declare war do not fight the battles and undergo the miseries of the field. Had the Congress which declared war sat on the snow-banks where Hampton's army encamped, their false or mistaken patriotism would have been cooled, their session would have been short, and we should have had no war. Let gentlemen visit the field of bat tle, view the bodies of the dead, and hear the groans of the dying; let them follow the maimed and the cripples through all the mazes and miseries of their wretched journey through the remainder of life; let them visit the friends of those who have fallen in battle, and witness their agonies and distress, and they will not expect to compensate for the aggregate of human misery in lofty, unmeaning expressions, of what is due to mistaken national honor. To make a war just as it respects our own citizens, the object contended for, ought to be of sufficient magnitude if obtained, to compensate them for all the losses they sustain, and the miseries they suffer in its prosecution; otherwise more of evil than good will result from it. The expectation of success ought also to be reasonable. These points ought to be so clear that there could be no difference of opinion, among intelligent and honest men. There are cases, it is true, in which a nation ought to take counsel only of |
