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34. But doubt not of my words, O exalted one! And Manou answered and said, I will do even as thou biddest.

35. And having saluted each other, they went each their way. 36. And Manou gathered together all the seeds after their kind, and committed himself to the waves in a fair ship, even as the fish had commanded him.

37. And Manou thought of the fish; and the fish, knowing his thoughts, appeared on a sudden with his horn.

38. And Manou, when he saw the fish swimming in the waves of the ocean, bearing a horn, even as it had been predicted to him: 39. Then Manou fixed a cord on the horn of the fish.

40. And having fixed it, the fish bore him with great swiftness over the waters.

41. The king of men in this ship thus traversed the ocean, which was as though it danced with its lifted waves, and as though it groaned with its waters.

42. And the winds blew the ship, and the waves beat it, and it tumbled in the sea like a drunken woman.

43. And there was nothing to be seen, neither the heavens nor the earth, nor the space between them.

44. And thus, in the midst of the deluged world, was left Manou and his seven sages.

45. And thus for many years the fish carried the ship amidst the multitude of waters.

46. At last it carried the ship to the highest part of Himavân. 47. Then the fish smiled, and said to the richis, Fasten the ship to the peak of the mountain.

48. And they fastened it when they heard the words of the fish. 49. Therefore this summit was called Naubandhanam, which, being interpreted, is "the binding of the ship."

50. Then the fish, the gracious one of immoveable looks, spoke thus to the richis:

51. Having taken the likeness of a fish, I have come among you to save you from the terrors of death.

52. Henceforth from Manou shall all creatures come, gods, and demons, and men.

53. He shall create again all worlds, all that is moveable and immoveable; and by prayer and fasting shall he do this.

54. But by my favour the creation shall not fall again into disorder.

55. And having spoken thus, the fish departed from among them.

Here endeth the history of the fish.

G. PAUTHIER,

Member de la Soc. Asiatique."

We have already given an opinion favorable to the "National Sandard," but there is one thing in it to which we

cannot accommodate our taste. The part before us contains sixty-four pages, and they are in a formidable degree engrossed by advertisements; so that, in binding the work, one is constrained to give Messrs. Warren's blacking, Rowland's Macassar, George Robins's puffs, and the whole routine of puffers, a place in the library. What they have to do with the professed contents of the work (for it is not a newspaper), a "National Standard of Literature, Science, Music, Theatricals, and the Fine Arts," we cannot divine: assuredly this should be remedied.

Remarks on the Foreign Policy of England, as regards Portugal and Greece. By James Conolly, Esq. Miller, London.

Or all the fallibilities to which humanity is liable, few hold up poor human nature so truly to view in its weakness as prejudice, and of all prejudices none are more absurd, or carry on the mind headlong into error so much as political prejudice. In order to define this, we need but look to party, and there is not a pin to chuse between the tory, the whig, or the radical bigot; party conglomerates their senses, and neither one nor the other can take a just view of things as they should be viewed. It is evident our author belongs to the mild radical school.

In his introductory remarks, he fears that "Great Britain is degraded from her ancient rank;" the tories are at present full of the same lamentation, but, say they, the "villanous" radicals and "ignorant" whigs have brought her down from her ancient renown to her present debased state; yet the whigs and the radicals accuse them of being the instruments of her degradation. Alas! who is to decide between the three in this uproar of recrimination?

We have read the work before us attentively, and our conviction is, that as a literary composition it is "well written :" that the author has in many passages done himself credit. We especially think he has presented the public with a welldigested analysis of the Canning policy in regard to Portugal; but we also think his remarks upon the Wellington, as well as the present administration, are often too violent, and sometimes erroneous: nor are we surprised to find our author in error when he attempts to peep into futurity. Political prophets have generally been false prophets: the greatest statesmen of this or any other country have frequently uttered predictions never to be fulfilled. No won

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der then that this writer should fail in his speculations of the future. The following extract will sufficiently prove he has no claim to the magic wand of divination :

"I pass over the affair of Terceira, with all its attendant explanations, as they are called by the Duke of Wellington, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir Robert Peel. The transaction was altogether shameful and unjustifiable, and I defy any honest unprejudiced mind, on reading the debates for and against it, to come to any other conclusion. But, as it is pretty well understood that there are, at present, the most urgent wishes conveyed from high quarters that, notwithstanding the late glorious achievement of the Constitutional fleet, the usurping and cruel authority of Don Miguel should be at length acknowledged, I would call upon the Commons of Great Britain to oppose an act, which, if consummated, will reflect an indelible and fouler stain upon the honour of England than, perhaps, any measure which she ever originated or acquiesced in. Who and what is the person to be acknowledged?—and for what act is he to be thus placed amongst the sovereigns of Europe? Is he not, I ask, an unjust and violent possessor of the Crown of his niece? A cold, bloody, and tyrannical despot? A base, cruel, and cowardly assassin? He is all this-and more. No man in Europe will deny it. And yet all disloyal-treasonable and perfidious, as is this monster, he is to be acknowledged a King de jure, and the "anointed of Heaven," by England! by that country which prides herself on being

"The inviolate island of the great and free!"

Who yet, for the sake of her own policy, as she calls it, will not only sully her fair fame by an act so hateful, thereby forfeiting all claim to respect from surrounding nations, but she will next lend her counsel to deliver over to the arms of this mock monarch, an injured, helpless, and innocent child, his own niece, who, under the sanction of the papal chair, is to be sacrificed at the altar of God, an unconscious and a piteous victim to incest and flagitious ambition! Who could act a part in such a drama of all that is wicked and damnable among the great ones of the earth, and not exclaim with Claudius

"Oh! my offence is rank, it smells to Heaven!"

"If, therefore, we are still further to commit ourselves, by lending our aid to the climax of abomination, which cannot fail to attend the recognition of Don Miguel, we may then bid adieu to the remains of that glorious reputation, of which we have so frequently, and in many instances, so justly boasted, and we shall have laid up for ourselves a stock of odium, which will remain by us for ages.

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We suspect, although but a short time has elapsed since the publication of his work, that our author would now

rather wish to strike out these passages. When "the call" next takes possession of his mind, we trust the inspiration will, at least, produce something better than this. We can bestow brief space to this notice: pass we on therefore to Greece.

Our author has succeeded, we think, much better with Greece than Portugal; we also think his observations respecting the "untoward" event of Navarino evince discernment of the first order; the remarks upon Mahmoud the Second present a well-drawn epitome of that extraordinary character. Did time permit, we could break a lance with the writer concerning his fears of Russia's designs upon British India, and the practicability of her accomplishing her object so soon as he imagines. He is also quite wrong when he says, (page 36,) "we never yet experienced an European enemy in India;" had he said, we never had a large European army opposed to us there, the assertion would have been correct. Disputes regarding foreign territorial interest in India, certainly, have generally been settled in European cabinets, without fighting, but it cannot be forgotten that our troops had repeated contests with the French in the Pondicherry country; for corroboration of our assertion we may refer the author either to Orme or Mill, in their Histories of British India. We are now compelled to take leave of the "Remarks upon the Foreign Policy of England, as regards Portugal and Greece."

Sermons. By the Rev. Henry Vaughan, B. A. Vicar of Crickhowel, Brecknockshire. London: Hatchard and Son, Piccadilly.

THE edge of criticism should never be sharper than when called into action on behalf of the solemn and sacred subject of our belief of holy writ; neither would we at any time yield our opinion of the demerits in the style of a writer on sacred subjects, because his holy, and perhaps highly respected character, would frequently induce the critic to overlook such a defect. Christian subjects should wear a garb suitable to them, and no fault is more reprehensible in the preacher or writer, than a carelessness of style, such as we but too frequently have witnessed in them both. We make these remarks, because we would have our readers to understand upon what principles we generally proceed upon our duties; and, having done so, we confidently open the pages of this work, with the full satisfaction that, as far as our humble abilities will carry us upon these subjects, we shall at any rate act up to the system we profess.

This work contains twenty-three sermons upon the most interesting scriptural subjects of doctrine, and the texts, although in no instance common place, are of that simple beautiful character which composes the mind so sweetly to the discourse that follows. The first of these is so tender and pathetie, that we cannot withhold the quotation,-" who hath despised the day of small things," and it is most ably, and at the same time very usefully treated; indeed, throughout the work we have been pleased (as we should always wish to be,) less with the talent evinced in it, than with the utility and application of the balm it conveys to the overloaded spirit and suffering sinner.

There are three discourses on the prophetic, priestly, and kingly office of Christ; and these most important points of Christian belief are treated in a clear, concise, but argumentative manner, well worthy of the subject. There is a firmness also in the language, and an uncompromising power in the speech, that bespeaks an earnestness in the writer, without which, we beg to observe, we should care but little for the purest and finest language that ever fell from the lips of mortal. We congratulate the congregation of Mr. Vaughan on possessing one who appears warm and earnest in his Christian ministry, and we hope and trust that he will daily receive the fruit of his calling. We conclude partly in his own words, and address ourselves to him: "Give your labour, and you shall reap abundantly in that day when the only labour shall be to gather in the harvest of an exceeding and eternal weight of glory; and whatsoever your hand findeth to do, do it heartily; for the night is far spent, the day is at hand.'"

Reflections on a Graduated Property and Income Tax. By Edward Jones, Esq. Hurst, London. THE object of this work, as the title imports, is to suggest the propriety of raising a sum of money amounting annually to 17,822,000l. so raised, by a graduated property and income tax, "as to repeal all the duties now received from malt, hops, tea, coffee, sugar, soap, starch, vinegar, coal and culm (coastwise,) foreign tallow, butter and cheese, licences and certificates, horse-dealers, horses and mules, (not carriages or riding horses,) windows, inhabited houses, receipt stamps, and percentage on compositions, and relieve the people from what is considered by our author as an oppressive and unjust system of taxation, augment the produce of industry and commerce of the country, and preserve the integrity of the empire."

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