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by a faction among the worst of our subjects, and were so wisely discountenanced by the best of them in the late reign, do hereby enact by our sole will and pleasure, that every shilling in Great Britain shall pass in all payments for the sum of fourteen-pence, till the first of September next, and that every other piece of money

shall rise and

in current payment in the same proportion. The advantage which will accrue to these nations by this our royal donative, will visibly appear to all men of sound principles, who are so justly famous for their antipathy to strangers, and would not see the landed interest of their country weakened by the importations of foreign gold and silver. But since, by reason of the great debts which we have contracted abroad, during our fifteen years' reign, as well as of our present exigencies, it will be necessary to fill our exchequer by the most prudent and expeditious methods, we do also hereby order every one of our subjects to bring in these his fourteen-penny pieces, and all the other current cash of this kingdom, by what new titles soever dignified or distinguished, to the master of our mint, who, after having set a mark upon them, shall deliver out to them, on or after the first of September aforesaid, their respective sums, taking only four-pence for ourself for such his mark on every fourteen-penny piece, which from henceforth shall pass in payment for eighteen-pence, and so in proportion for the rest. By this method, the money of this nation will be more by one-third than it is at present; and we shall content ourselves with not quite one-fifth part of the current cash of our loving subjects; which will but barely suffice to clear the interest of those sums in which we stand indebted to our most dear brother and ancient ally. We are glad of this opportunity of showing such an instance of our goodness to our subjects, by this our royal edict, which shall be read in every parish church of Great Britain, immediately after the celebration of high mass. For such is our pleasure.”









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hrum est bene facere reipublicæ; etiam bene dicere haud absurdum

SALL. r has been usual these many years for writers, who have roved the scheme of government which has taken place, xplain to the people the reasonableness of those principles ch have prevailed, and to justify the conduct of those who in conformity to such principles. It therefore happens

for the party which is undermost, when a work of this ire falls into the hands of those who content themselves attack their principles, without exposing their persons, or ling out any particular objects for satire and ridicule. s manner of proceeding is no inconsiderable piece of merit riters, who are often more influenced by a desire of fame,

a regard to the public good; and who, by this means, many fair opportunities of showing their own wit, or of ifying the ill-nature of their readers. Then a man thinks a party engaged in such measures as to the ruin of his country, it is certainly a very laudable virtuous action in him to make war after this manner 2 the whole body. But as several casuists are of opinion,

in a battle you should discharge upon the gross of the ay, without levelling your piece at any particular person ;

this kind of combat also, I cannot think it fair to aim ny one man, and make his character the mark of your ilities. There is now to be seen in the castle of Milan, non bullet, inscribed, “This to the Mareschal de Cre

which was the very ball that shot him. An author points his satire at a great man is to be looked upon in same view with the engineer who signalized himself by ungenerous practice. ut as the spirit of the Whigs and Tories shows itself,

every occasion, to be very widely different from one anr; so is it particularly visible in the writings of this kind, I have been published by each party. The latter may, ed, assign one reason to justify themselves in this prac

that, having nothing of any manner of weight to offer ast the principles of their antagonists, if they speak at t must be against their persons. When they cannot re

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fute an adversary, the shortest way is to libel him; and to endeavour at the making his person odious, when they cannot represent his notions as absurd.

The Examiner was a paper, in the last reign, which was the favourite work of the party. It was ushered into the world by a letter from a secretary of state, setting forth the great genius of the author, the usefulness of his design, and the mighty consequences that were to be expected from it. It is said to have been written by those among them whom they looked upon as their most celebrated wits and politicians, and was dispersed into all quarters of the nation with great industry and expense. Who would not have expected, that at least the rules of decency and candour would . be observed in such a performance ? but, instead of this, you saw all the great men, who had done eminent services to their country but a few years before, draughted out one by one, and baited in their turns. No sanctity of character, or privilege of sex, exempted persons from this barbarous usage. Several of our prelates were the standing marks of public raillery, and many ladies of the first quality branded by name for matters of fact, which as they were false, were not heeded, and if they had been true, were innocent. The dead themselves were not spared. And here I cannot forbear taking notice of a kind of wit which has lately grown into fashion among the versifiers, epigrammatists, and other authors, who think it sufficient to distinguish themselves by their zeal for what they call the high church, while they sport with the most tremendous parts of revealed religion. Every one has seen epigrams upon the deceased fathers of our church, where the whole thought was turned upon hell-fire. Patriots, who ought to be remembered with honour by their posterity, have been introduced as speakers in a state of torments. There is something dreadful even in repeating these execrable pieces of wit, which no man who really believes another life, can peruse without fear and trembling. It is astonishing to see readers who call themselves Christians, applauding such diabolical mirth, and seeming to rejoice in the doom which is pronounced against their enemies, by such abandoned scribblers. A wit of this kind may, with great truth, be compared to the fool in the Proverbs," who plays with arrows, fire-brands, and death, and says, Am I not in sport!"

I must, in justice to the more sober and considerate of

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et party, confess, that many of them were highly scandal-
d at that personal slander and reflection which was flung
; so freely by the libellers of the last reign, as well as by
se profane liberties which have been since continued.
d as for those who are either the authors or admirers of
ch compositions, I would have them consider with them-
ves, whether the name of a good church-man can atone
the want of that charity which is the most essential part
Christianity. They would likewise do well to reflect,
v, by these methods, the poison has run freely into the
ads of the weak and ignorant: heightened their rage
inst many of their fellow-subjects; and almost divested
m of the common sentiments of humanity.
n the former part of this paper, I have hinted that the
ign of it is to oppose the principles of those who are ene-
es to the present government, and the main body of that
ty who espouse those principles. But even in such general
cks there are certain measures to be kept, which may
e a tendency rather to gain, than to irritate those who
er with you in their sentiments. The Examiner would

allow such as were of a contrary opinion to him, to be
er Christians or fellow-subjects. With him they were all
pists, deists, or apostates, and a separate commonwealth
ong themselves, that ought either to be extirpated, or,
en he was in a better humour, only to be banished out of
ir native country. They were often put in mind of some
roaching execution, and therefore all of them advised to
pare themselves for it, as men who had then nothing to
e care of, but how to die decently. In sbort, the Ex-
ner seemed to make no distinction between conquest and
"he conduct of this work has hitherto been regulated by
erent views, and shall continue to be so; unless the party
was to deal with draw upon themselves another kind of
tment. For if they shall persist in pointing their bat-
es against particular persons, there are no laws of war

forbid the making of reprisals. In the mean time, this ertaking shall be managed with that generous spirit ch was so remarkable among the Romans, who did not due a country in order to put the inhabitants to fire and rd, but to incorporate them into their own community, and ze them happy in the same government with themselves.

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It is very unlucky for those who make it their business to raise popular murmurs and discontents against his Majesty's government, that they find so very few and so very improper occasions for them. To show how hard they are set in this particular, there are several, who for want of other materials, are forced to represent the bill which has passed this session, for laying an additional tax of two shillings in the pound upon land, as a kind of grievance upon the subject. If this be a matter of complaint, it ought in justice to fall upon those who have made it necessary. Had there been no rebellion, there would have been no increase of the land-tax: so that in proportion as a man declares his aversion to the

he ought to testify his abhorrence of the other. But it is very remarkable that those, who would persuade the people that they are aggrieved by this additional burden, are the very persons who endeavour, in their ordinary conversation, to extenuate the heinousness of the rebellion, and who express the greatest tenderness for the persons of the rebels. They show a particular indulgence for that unnatural insurrection which has drawn this load upon us, and are angry at the means which were necessary for suppressing it. There needs no clearer proof of the spirit and intention with which they act; I shall, therefore, advise my fellow-freeholders to consider the character of any person who would possess them with the notion of a hardship that is put upon the country by this tax. If he be one of known affection to the present establishment, they may imagine there is some reason for complaint. But if, on the contrary, he be one who has shown himself indifferent as to the success of the present rebellion, or is suspected as a private abettor of it, they may take it for granted, his complaint against the land-tax is either the rage of a disappointed man, or the artifice of one who would alienate their affections from the present government.

The expense which will arise to the nation from this rebellion, is already computed at near a million. And it is a melancholy consideration for the freeholders of Great Bri

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