nation by requisitions upon the individual states was discovered to be altogether delusive in its conception, and hopeless in its execution.

The Continental government, destitute, as we have seen, of power to adopt regulations of commerce binding on the states, each state established its separate system, on such narrow and selfish principles, and executed it in so partial and unequal a manner, that the confidence of foreign nations in our commercial integrity and stability, and the mutual harmony and freedom of intercourse among the states themselves, were impaired, if not destroyed. The national engagements, indeed, seem, in most cases, to have been abandoned; and, in the indignant language of the "Federalist," "each state, yielding to the voice of immediate interest or convenience, successively withdrew its support from the confederation, until the frail and tottering edifice was ready to fall on the heads of the people, and crush them beneath its ruins."

In the most persuasive and manly remonstrances, Congress had endeavoured to obtain from the states the right of levying, for a limited time, a general impost on goods imported from abroad, for the exclu sive purpose of providing for the discharge of the national debt. But it was impracticable to unite so many independent sovereignties in this or any other measure for the safety and honour of the confederacy. Disastrous, however, as their refusal appeared at the time, and deeply regretted as it was by every intelligent friend of the Union, it may be deemed providential that the state legislatures withheld from Congress the power solicited; for, had it then been granted, it is the opinion of the constitutional jurist to whom I have already referred, that "the subsequent effort to amend the system of federal government would never, probably, have been made, and

the people of this country might have continued to this day the victims of a feeble and incompetent confederacy." The necessary tendency of affairs at that period was either to an entire annihilation of the national authority, or to a civil war in order to maintain it. Universal poverty and distress were spreading dismay throughout the land. Agriculture, as well as commerce, was crippled; private confidence, as well as public credit, was destroyed; and every expedient was resorted to by men of desperate fortunes to inflame the minds of the people, and cast odium upon hose who laboured to preserve the national faith, and establish an efficient government. Notwithstanding the sufferings of the people and the imbecility of the government, there were many citizens, of high respectability and undoubted patriotism, who still adhered to the old confederation; and, from their preference or their possession of state authority, and their jealousy of federal power, could see nothing in the proposed renovation of the Union but oppression and tyranny. They apprehended, indeed, nothing less than the entire destruction of the state governments by the overwhelming influence of the national institutions, and determined to resist the contemplated change. But a large majority of those who had conducted the country in safety through the Revolution, united their influence to put an end to the public calamities, by establishing a political system which should be adequate to the exigencies of national union, and act as an efficient and permanent government on the several states. The foremost among these patriots was General Washington. At the close of the Revolutionary war, he had addressed a circular letter to the governors of the several states, urging an indissoluble union as essential to the well-being, and even to the existence of the nation; and now, from

his retirement, he strove, in all his intercourse and correspondence with his fellow-citizens, to impress upon the public mind the necessity of such a measure. At his seat at Mount Vernon, in the year 1785, it was agreed by certain commissioners from Virginia and Maryland, whose visit had reference to far inferior objects, to propose to their respective governments the appointment of new commissioners, with more extensive powers in regard to the commercial arrangements between these states. This proposal was not only adopted by the Virginia Legislature, but was so enlarged as to recommend to all the other states to unite in the appointment of commissioners from each, to meet and consult on the general subject of the commercial interests and relations of the confederacy. And this measure, thus casual and limited in its commencement, terminated in a formal proposition for a general convention to revise the state of the Union.

When the period arrived for the meeting of this body, the objects of its assembling had been carried much farther than at first expressed by those who perceived and deplored the complicated and increasing evils flowing from the inefficiency of the existing confederation. Representatives from New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware were all that assembled on this occasion, in addition to those from Virginia and Maryland; and upon proceeding to discuss the subjects for which they had convened, it was soon perceived that a more general representation of the states, and powers more extensive than had been confided to the delegates actually attending, would be requisite to effect the great purposes in contemplation. This first convention, therefore, broke up without coming to any specific resolution on the particular matters referred to them; but, previously

to adjourning, they agreed to a report to be made to their respective states, and transmitted to Congress, representing the necessity of extending the revision of the federal system to all its defects, and recommending to the several legislatures to appoint deputies to meet for that purpose, in convention, at Philadelphia, on the second of the ensuing May.

On receiving this report, the Legislature of Virginia immediately appointed delegates for the object specified in the recommendation; and within the year every state except Rhode Island had acceded to the proposal, and elected delegates with power to carry that object into full effect. The General Convention, thus constituted and empowered, met at Philadelphia on the day appointed; and having chosen General Washington (whose name was first on the list of the deputies from his native state) for their president, proceeded, with closed doors, to deliberate on the momentous and extensive subjects submitted to their consideration. The crisis was most important in respect to the welfare and prosperity of America, if not of the whole civilized world. The fruits of our glorious Revolution, and, perhaps, the final destiny of Republicanism itself, were involved in the issue of this experiment to reform the system of our national government; and, happily for the people of America-auspiciously for the liberties of mankind-the Federal Convention comprised a rare assemblage of the best experience, talents, character, and information which this country afforded, and it commanded that universal public confidence at home and abroad which such qualifications were calculated to inspire. With regard to the great principles which should constitute the basis of their system, not much contrariety of opinion is understood to have prevailed; but on the application of those principles, in their

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various forms and intricate modifications, an equal degree of harmony was not to have been expected. Eventually, however, the high importance attached to the preservation of the Union triumphed over local interests and personal feelings; and after several months of arduous deliberation, the Convention finally agreed, with unexpected and unexampled unanimity, on that plan of government which is contained in the CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.*

The new system was directed by the Convention to be laid before Congress, to be by them transmitted to conventions to be chosen by the people in each state, for their assent and ratification. It was, moreover, provided in the Constitution itself, that, as soon as it should be ratified by nine states, it should be carried into operation among them, in a mode prescribed by a separate act of the Federal Convention; and in their letter transmitting it to Congress, they declared the Constitution to be "the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of their political system rendered indispensable."

The course pointed out by the Convention was pursued by Congress, and the request formally communicated to the state legislatures. The people were, accordingly, invited to choose delegates to meet in each state, for the purpose of deliberating and deciding on the national constitution. Besides the solemn and authoritative examination of the subject in those assemblies, the new scheme of government was subjected to severe scrutiny and animated discussion, both in private circles and in the public prints. But neither the intrinsic merits of the Constitution it self, nor the preponderating weight of argument and character by which it was supported, gave assurance * Vide Appendix C.