"To deny that the legislative power of Great "As though the Americans were fearful of being Britain is entire, general, and sovereign, over all called, at a future day, to take part in the national Parts of its dominions, appears to me too puerile representation, they pre-occupy the ground, and to merit a serious answer. What I would say is, warn you, in advance, that, considering their disthat, under this cover of rights, under this color tance, they cannot be represented in the British of privileges, under these pretexts of immunities, parliament: which means, if I am not deceived, the good and loyal Americans have concealed a that they will not have a representative power in design, not new, but now openly declared, to cast common with England, but intend to enjoy one off every species of superiority, and become altoge by themselves, perfectly distinct from this of the ther an independent nation. They complained of parent state. But why do I waste time in these the stamp-act. It was repealed. Did this satisfy vain subtleties? Not content with exciting discord them? On the contrary, they embittered more at home, with disturbing all the institutions of than ever our respective relations, now refusing social life, they endeavor also to scatter the germes to indemnify the victims of their violence, and now of division in the neighboring colonies, such as to rescind resolutions that were so many strides Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and especially Canada. towards rebellion, And yet, in these cases, there Nor is this the end of their intrigues. Have we was no question of taxes, either internal or external, not read here, in this land of genuine felicity, the A duty was afterwards imposed on glass, paper, incendiary expressions of their address to the Engcolours, and tea. They revolted anew; and the lish people, designed to allure them to the side bounty of this too indulgent mother again revoked of rebellion? Yes, they have wished, and with al the greater part of these duties, leaving only that their power have attempted, to introduce into the upon tea, which may yield, at the utmost, sixteen bosom of this happy country, outrage, tumults, thousand pounds sterling, Even this inconsidera-devastation, pillage, bloodshed, and open resistble impost, Great Britain, actuated by a meekness ance to the laws! A thousand times undone the and forbearance without example, would have re- English people, should they suffer themselves to pealed also, if the colonists had peaceably ex-be seduced by the flatteries of the Americans! pressed their wishes to this effect. At present, The sweet peace, the inestimable liberty, they they bitterly complain of the regular troops sent now enjoy, would soon be replaced by the most amongst them to maintain the public repose. But, ferocious anarchy, devouring their wealth, annihilatin the name of God, what is the cause of their ing their strength, contaminating and destroying presence in Boston? American disturbances. If all the happiness of their existence. Already have the colonists had not first interrupted the general the colonists trampled on all restraints; already tranquility, if they had respected property, pub- have they cast off all human respect; and, amidst lic and private; if they had not openly resisted the their subtle machinations, and the shades in whick laws of parliament and the ordinances of the king, they envelop themselves, they suffer, as it were, in they would not have seen armed soldiers within spite of themselves, their culpable designs to aptheir walls. But the truth is, they expressly excite pear. If they have not yet acquired the consistence, the causes, in order to be able afterwards to bemoan they at least assume the forms, of an independent the effects. When they were menaced with real nation. danger, when they were beset by enemies from "Who among us has not felt emotions kindling within and from without, they not only consented deep in his breast, or transports of indignation, at to admit regular troops into the very heart of their the reading of the decrees of congress, in which, provinces, but urged us, with the most earnest with a language and a tone better beseeming the solicitations, to send them; but now the danger is haughty courts of Versaillesor of Madrid, than the past, and the colonists, by our treasure and blood, subjects of a great king, they ordain imperiously are restored to their original security; now these the cessation of all commerce between their coun. troops have become necessary to repress the factious, try and our own? We may transport our merto sustain the action of the laws, their presence is chandise and our commodities among all other contrary to the constitution, a manifest violation of nations. It is only under the inhospitable skies American liberty, an attempt to introduce tyranny; of America, only in this country, dyed with the as if it were not the right and the obligation of the blood, and bathed in the sweat, we have shed for supreme authority, to protect the peace of the the safety and prosperity of its inhabitants, that interior as well as that of the exterior, and to repress English industry cannot hope for protection, caninternal as effectually as external enemies. not fmd an asylum! Are we then of a spirit to endure that our subjects trace around us the "This is what I think of our present situation; circle of Popilius, and proudly declare on what these are the sentiments of a man neither partial, conditions they will deign to obey the ancient nor vehement, but free from all prepossessions, Jaws of the common country? But all succeeds to and ready to combat and shed the last drop of his their wish: they hope, from our magnanimity, that blood, to put down the excesses of license, to war will result, and from war, independence. And extirpate the germes of cruel anarchy, to defend what a people is this, whom benefits cannot oblige, the rights and the privileges of this most innocent whom clemency exasperates, whom the necessity people, whether he finds their enemies in the savage of defence, created by themselves, offends! deserts of America, or in the cultivated plains of England, Eulogium on Warren. From Botta's history of the American war,-published, he says, "in the Philadelphia papers," but we know not when, or where, or by whom, it was delivered, which we should have been glad to have ascertained. "What spectacle more noble," than this, of a hero who has given his life for the safety of country! Approach, cruel ministers, and contemplate the fruits of your sanguinary edicts. What reparation can you offer to his children for the loss of such a father, to the king for that of so good a "If, therefore, no doubt can remain as to the projects of these ungrateful colonists; if an universal "And if there are Catalines among us, who plot resistance to the civil government, and to the laws in darkness pernicious schemes against the state, of the country, if the interruption of a free and let them be unveiled and dragged to light, that reciprocal commerce between one part and ano- they may be offered a sacrifice, as victims to the ther of the realm; if resisting every act of the Bri-just vengeance of this courteous country; that their tish legislature, and absolutely, in word and deed, names may be stamped with infamy to the latest denying the sovereignty of this country; if laying a posterity, and their memory held in execration, by. strong hand on the revenues of America; if seizing all men of worth, in every future age!” his majesty's forts, artillery, and ammunition; if exciting and stimulating, by every means, the whole subjects of America to take arms, and to resist the constitutional authority of Great Bri tain, are acts of treason, then are the Americans in a state of the most flagrant rebellion. Wherefore, then, should we delay to take resolute measures? If no other alternative is left us, if it is necessary to use the power which we enjoy, under Heaven, for the protection of the whole empire, let us show the Americans, that, as our ancestors deluged this country with their blood, to leave us a free constitution, we, like men, in defiance of faction at home and rebellion abroad, are determined, in glorious emulation of their subject, to the country for that of so devoted a citizen? Send hither your satellites; come, feast example, to transmit it, perfect and unimpaired, to our posterity. I hear it said by these propagators your vindictive rage: the most implacable enemy of sinister auguries, that we shall be vanquished in this contest. But all human enterprizes are never without a something of uncertainty. Are high-minded men for this to stand listless, and indolently abandon to the caprices of fortune the conduct of their affairs? If this dastardly doctrine prevailed, if none would ever act without assurance of the event, assuredly no generous enter. prize would ever be attempted; chance, and blind destiny, would govern the world. I trust, however, in the present crisis, we may cherish better hopes: for, even omitting the bravery of our soldiers "Approach, senators of America! Come, and and the ability of our generals, loyal subjects are deliberate here, upon the interests of the united not so rare in America as some believe, or affect colonies. Listen to the voice of this illustrious to believe. And, besides, will the Americans long citizen: he intreats, he exhorts, he implores you support the privation of all the things necessary to not to disturb his present felicity with the doubt, life, which our numerous navy will prevent from that he, perhaps, bas sacrificed his life for a people reaching their shores? of slaves. to tyrants is no more. We conjure you respect these his honored remains. Have compassion on the fate of a mother overwhelmed with despair and with age. Of him, nothing is left that you can still fear. His eloquence is mute; his arms are fallen from his hand: then lay down yours: what more have you to perpetrate, barbarians that you are? But, while the name of American liberty shall live, that of Warren will fire our breasts, and animate our arms, against the pest of standing armies. "Come hither, ye soldiers, ye champions of Ame rican liberty, and contemplate a spectacle which should inflame your generous hearts with even a new motive to glory. Remember, his shade still hovers, unexpiated, among us. Ten thousand ministerial soldiers would not suffice to compensate his death. Let ancient ties be no restraint: foes of liberty are no longer the brethren of freeGive edge to your arms, and lay them not down, till tyranny be expelled from the British empire, or America, at least, become the real seat of liberty and happiness. men. taining, in themselves, the best portrait of the father of his country, drawn by himself, that we had the power to offer though in detached parts, they must needs be familiar to the Ame rican people. The articles are 1. Washington's acceptance of the command of the armies of the United States, June 16, 1775. 2. his letter to the president of congress Sept. 24, 1776. 3. His general orders to the army, April 18, 1783. 4. His circular to the governors of the several "Approach ye also, American fathers and Ameri-states-June 18, 1783. 6. His speech to the first congress, under the To which we might have added his farewell address on retiring from the presidency, but that is in the hands of every body; and it does not properly come within the scope of the contents of this volume. EDITOR. can mothers; come hither, and contemplate the 5. On resigning his commission to congress, asfirst fruits of tyranny: behold your friend, the sembled at Annapolis, 1783. defender of your liberty, the honor, the hope of your country: see this illustrious hero, pierced constitution, April 30, 1789. with wounds, and bathed in his own blood. But let not your grief, let not your tears be steril. Go, hasten to your homes, and there teach your children to detest the deeds of tyranny; lay before them the horrid scene you have beheld: let their hair stand on end; let their eyes sparkle with fire; let Speech of gen. Washington to congress ́on accepting resentment kindle every feature; let their lips vent threats and indignation: then-then-put arms into their hands, send them to battle, and let your last injunction be, to return victorious, or to die, like Warren, in the arms of liberty and of glory! his commission, June 15th, 1775. Mr. President-Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me, in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust: However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. "But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered, by every gentleman in the room, that I, this day, declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. "And ye generations of the future, you will often look back to this memorable epoch. You will transfer the names of traitors and of rebels from the faithful people of America, to those who have merited them. Your eyes will penetrate all the iniquity of this scheme of despotism, recently plotted by the British government. You will see good kings misled by perfidious ministers, and virtuous ministers by perfidious kings. You will perceive that if at first the sovereigns of Great Britain shed tears in commanding their subjects to accept atrocious laws, they soon gave them. selves up to joy in the midst of murder, expect- "As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the coning to see a whole continent drenched in the blood gress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could of freemen. O, save the human race from the last have tempted me to accept this arduous employoutrages, and render a noble justice to the Ameriment, at the expense of my domestic ease and hap can colonies. Recall to life the ancient Roman and piness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. British eloquence; and be not niggardly of merited I will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, praises towards those who have bequeathed you I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all I liberty. It costs us floods of gold and of blood; it desire." costs us, alas! the life of Warren." Commander in chief-Washington. It seemed right that we should collect the follow. To John Hancock, esq. president of congress. ing articles, and present them together, as con-borrow a few moments to convey my thoughts, on sundry important matters, to congress. I shall such allowances as will enable them to live like, offer them with the sincerity which ought to cha-and support the characters of, gentlemen. Besides, racterize the man of candour, and with the free-something is due to the man who puts his life in dom which may be used in giving useful informa- your hands, hazards his health, and forsakes the tion, without incurring the imputation of presump-sweets of domestic enjoyment. Why a captain in tion. the continental service should receive no more than five shillings currency per day, for performing the same duties that an officer of the same rank in the British service receives ten shillings sterling for, I never could conceive, especially when the latter is provided with every necessary he requires, upon the best terms, and the former can scarcely procure them at any rate. There is nothing that gives a man consequence, and renders him fit for command, like a support that renders him independent of every body but the state he We are now, as it were, upon the eve of another dissolution of our army. The remembrance of the difficulties which happened upon the occasion last year, the consequences which might have followed the change, if proper advantages had been taken by the enemy, added to a knowledge of the present temper and situation of the troops, reflect but a very gloomy prospect upon the appearance of things now, and satisfy me beyond the possibility of doubt, that, unless some speedy and effectual measures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost. serves. With respect to the men, nothing but a good bounty can obtain them upon a permanent establishment; and for no shorter time than the continuance of the war, ought they to be engaged, as facts incontestibly prove that the difficulty and cost of enlistments increase with time. When the army was first at Cambridge, I am persuaded the men might have been got, without a bounty, for the war. After this, they began to see that the contest was not likely to end so speedily as was imagined, and to feel their consequence by remarking, that, to get in the militia in the course of the last year, many towns were induced to give them a bounty. It is in vain to expect, that any, or more than a trifling part of this army will again engage in the service on the encouragement offered by congress. When men find that their townsmen and companions are receiving twenty, thirty, and more, dollars for a few months' service (which is truly the case) it cannot be expected, without using compulsion; and to force them into the service, would answer no valuable purpose. When men are irritated, and the passions inflamed, they fly hastily and cheerfully to arms: but after the first emotions are over, a soldier reasoned with upon the goodness of the cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears Foreseeing the evils resulting from this, and the you with paience, and acknowledges the truth of destructive consequences which unavoidably would your observation, but adds, that it is of no more importance to bim than others. The officer makes you the same reply, with this further remark, that his pay will not support him, and he cannot ruin himself and family to serve his country, when every member of the community is equally interested and benefited by his labors. follow short enlistments, I took the liberty, in a long letter, (date not recollected, as my letter book is not here) to recommend the enlistments for and during the war, assigning such reasons for it as experience has since convinced me were well founded. At that time, twenty dollars would, I am persuaded, have engaged the men for this term. But it will not do to look back: and, if the present opIt becomes evidently clear then, that, as this contest is not likely to be the work of a day; as months more will increase our difficulties fourfold. portunity is slipped, I am persuaded that twelve the war must be carried on systematically; and to shall therefore take the freedom of giving it as do it you must have good officers; there are, in my my opinion, that a good bounty be immediately judgment, no other possible means to obtain them, offered, aided by the proffer at least a hundred, or a but by establishing your army upon a permanent hundred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clothes footing, and giving your officers good pay. This and blanket, to each non-commissioned officer and will induce gentlemen, an men of character, to soldier; as I have good authority for saying, that, engage: and, till the bulk of your officers are combowever high the men's pay may appear, it is barely posed of such persons as are actuated by princi sufficient, in the present scarcity and dearness of ples of honor and a spirit of enterprize, you have all kinds of goods, to keep them in clothes, much little to expect from them. They ought to have less afford support to their families. If this encouragement then is given to the men, \ject to them, and therefore take liberties which the and such pay allowed the officers as will induce soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy: gentlemen of character and liberal sentiments to jealousy begets dissatisfaction; and these, by deengage, and proper care and precaution used in grees, ripen into mutiny, keeping the whole army the nomination (having more regard to the chain a confused and disordered state; rendering the racters of persons than the number of men they time of those who wish to see regularity and good can enlist) we should, in a little time, have an army able to cope with any that can be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials to form one. But while the only merit an officer possesses, is his ability to raise men; while those men consider and treat him as an equal, and, in the character of an officer, regard him no more than a broom stick, being mixed together as one common herd, no order nor discipline can prevail; nor will the officer ever meet with that respect which is essentially necessary to due subordination. order prevail, more unhappy than words can describe. Besides this, such repeated changes take place, that all arrangement is set at nought, and the constant fluctuation of things deranges every plan as fast as adopted. These, sir, congress may be assured, are but a small part of the inconveniences which might be enumerated, and attributed to militia: but there is one that merits particular attention, and that is the expense. Certain I am, that it would be cheaper to keep fifty or a hundred thousand in constant To place any dependence upon militia is as- pay, than to depend upon half the number, and suredly resting upon a broken staff: men just supply the other half occasionally by militia. The dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life; tiine the latter are in pay, before and after they unaccustomed to the din of arms; totally unacare in camp, assembling and marching; the waste quainted with every kind of military skill; which, of ammunition, the consumption of stores, which, being followed by a want of confidence in them in spite of every resolution or requisition of conselves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, gress, they must be furnished with, or sent home, disciplined, and appointed; superior in knowledge added to other incidental expenses consequent and superior in arms, makes them timid and ready upon their coming and conduct in camp, surpasses to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sud- all idea, and destroys every kind of regularity and den change in their manner of living, particularly economy which you could establish among fixed in their lodging, brings on sickness in many, impa- and settled troops, and will, in my opinion, prove, tience in all; and such an unconquerable desire of if the scheme is adhered to, the ruin of our cause. returning to their respective homes, that it not only produces shameful and scandalous desertions among themselves, but infuses the like spirit into others. The jealousies of a standing army, and the evils to be apprehended from one, are remote, and, in my judgment, situated and circumstanced as we are, not at all to be dreaded: but the consequence Again; men accustomed to unbounded freedom of wanting one, according to my ideas, formed and no control, cannot brook the restraint which is from the present view of things, is certain and ine. indispensably necessary to the good order and go-vitable ruin. For, if I was called upon to declare vernment of an army; without which, licentiousness upon oath, whether the militia have been most ser. and every kind of disorder triumphantly reign.viceable or hurtful, upon the whole, I should subTo bring men to a proper degree of subordination scribe to the latter. I do not mean by this, howeis not the work of a day, a month, or even a year: ver, to arraign the conduct of congress; in so doand, unhappily for us and the cause we are en- ing I should equally condemn my own measures, gaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring if 1 did not my judgment: but experience, which to establish in the army under my immediate com is the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly, mand, is in a manner done away, by having such a and decisively reprobates the practice of trusting mixture of troops as have been called together to militia, that no man, who regards order, reguwithin these few months. larity and economy, or who has any regard for his own honor, character, or peace of mind, will risk them upon this issu^.. Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regulations of war are, for the government of an army, the militia (those properly so called; for of these we have An army formed of good officers moves like two sorts, the six months' men, and those sent in clock-work: but there is no situation upon earth as a temporary aid) do not think themselves sub-less enviable nor more distressing than that per |