Letters from Dr. Franklin. cannot conceive how much good the cordial salutations of an old friend do to the heart of a man so far from home, and hearing frequently of the abuse hrown on him in his absence by the enemies that Party has raised against him.、 We offer to our readers extracts from some unpublished letters of Dr. Franklin, which may be considered as properly belonging to the general stock of materials for the determination of his character; and for the natural history. We have "In the mean time I hope I have done even those added to them an extract of a letter of Silas enemies some service in our late struggle for AmeDeane, in relation to him, containing an interest-rica. It has been a hard one, and we have been of. ing anecdote which we have not seen in print. ten between hope and despair; but now the day beThe letter of Franklin to his son, on the subject of the stamp act, is important; as is, indeed, almost every particular, however small, connected with that measure-the immediate cause of the most momentous and exemplary of political relations. Nat. Gaz. Extract of a letter from Dr. Franklin to H. R. esq. of Philadelphia. LONDON, Feb. 26, 1761. "You tell me you sometimes visit the ancient Junto. I wish you would do it oftener; I know they all love and respect you, and regret your absenting yourself so much.-People are apt to grow strange and not understand one another so well, when they meet but seldom. Since we have held that club till we are grown grey together, let us hold it out to the end. For my own part, I find I love company, chat, a laugh, a glass, and even a song, as well as ever; and, at the same time, relish better than I used to do, the grave observations and wise sentences of old men's conversation. So that I am sure the Junto will be still as agreeable to me as it ever has been: I therefore hope it will not be discontinued as long as we are able to crawl together. To the same. gins to clear; the ministry are fixed for us, and we have obtained a majority in the house of commons for repealing the stamp act, and giving us ease in every commercial grievance. God grant that no bad news of farther excesses in America may arrive to strengthen our adversaries and weaken the hands of our friends, before this good work is quite completed. "The partisans of the late ministry have been strongly crying out rebellion, and calling for force to be sent against America. The consequence might have been terrible! but milder measures have prevailed." Extract of a letter from Benjamin Franklin to his 8ɔn : William Franklin, esq. LONDON, Nov. 9, 1765. "Mr. Cooper, secretary of the treasury, is our old acquaintance, and expresses a hearty friendship for both. Enclosed I send you his billet proposing to make me acquainted with lord Röckingham. I dine with him tomorrow. us "I had a long audience on Wednesday with lord Dartmouth. He was highly recommended to me by lords Grantham and Besborough, as a young man of excellent understanding, and the most amiable dispositions. They seemed extremely intent LONDON, July 7, 1765. on bringing us together. I had been to pay my "I wish you would continue to meet the Junto, notwithstanding that some effect of our public po-side at the board of trade; but during the summer respects to his lordship on his appointment to pre. litical misunderstandings may sometimes appear there. 'Tis now perhap one of the oldest clubs, as I think it was formerly one of the best, in the king's dominions; it wants but about two years of forty since it was established; we loved and still love one another, we are grown grey together, and yet it is too early to part. Let us sit till the evening of life is spent; the last hours were al ways the most joyous; when we can stay no longer 'tis time enough then to bid each other good night, separate, and go quietly to bed." To the same. LONDON, Feb. 27, 1766. "I received your kind letter of Nov. 27th; you he has been much out of town, so that I had net, till now, the opportunity of conversing with him. I found him all they said of him. He even exceeded the expectations they had raised in me. If he continues in that department, I foresee much hap. piness from it to the American affairs. He enquired kindly after you, and spoke of you handsomely. I gave it him as my opinion, that the general execu tion of the stamp act would be impracticable, with. out occasioning more mischief than it was worth, by totally alienating the affections of the Americans, and thereby lessening their commerce. I therefore wished that advantage might be taken of the address expected over, (if expressed, as I hoped it would be, in humble and dutiful terms) tofing the dominion, than all its forces, and be much suspend the execution of the act for a term of cheaper. years, till the colonies should be more clear of debt, and better able to bear it; and then drop it on some decent pretence, without ever bringing the question of right to decision. "A great deal more I said on our American affairs; too much to write. His lordship heard all with great attention and patience. As to the address expected from the congress, he doubted some difficulty would arise about receiving it, as it was an irregular meeting, unauthorized by any American constitution. I said, I hoped government here would not be too nice on that bead; that an address of the whole there seemed necessary, their separate petitions last year being rejected. And to refuse hearing complaints and redressing griev. ances, from punctilios about form, had always an factious spirits who are ever ready to blow the coals of dissention. He thanked me politely for the visit and desired to see me often. "And I strongly recommended either a thorough union with America, or that government here would proceed in the old method of requisition, by which I was confident more would be obtained in the way of voluntary grant, than could probably be got by compulsory taxes laid by parliament. I stated that particular colonies might at times be back ward, but at other times, when in better temper, they would make up for that backwardness, so that ill effect, and gave great bandle to those turbulent, on the whole it would be nearly equal: That to send armies and fleets to enforce the act, would not, in my opinion, answer any good end: That the inhabitants would probably take every method to "It is true that inconveniences may arise to go. encourage the soldiers to desert, to which the high vernment here by a repeal of the act, as it will be price of labor would contribute, and the chance of deemed a tacit giving up the sovereignty of parliabeing never apprehended in so extensive a country, ment, and yet I think the inconveniences of persistwhere the want of hands, as well as the desire of ing much greater, as I have said above. The prewasting the strength of an army come to oppress, sent ministry are truly perplexed how to act on would incline every one to conceal deserters, so the occasion: as, if they relax, their predecessors that the officers would probably soon be left alone: will reproach them with giving up the honor, That fleets, indeed, might easily obstruct their dignity, and power of their nation. And yet even trade, but withal must ruin great part of the trade they, I am told, think they have carried things too of Britain; as the properties of American and Bri- far; s that if it were indeed true that I had planned tish or London merchants were mixed in the same the act (as you say it is reported with you) I bevessels, and no remittances could be received here; lieve we should soon hear some of them exculpatbesides the danger, by mutual violences, excesses ing themselves by saying I had misled them. I and severities, of creating a deep rooted aversion need not tell you, that I had not the least concern between the two countries, and laying the founda in it. It was all cut and dried, and every resolve tion of a future total separation. framed at the treasury ready for the house, before "I added, that, notwithstanding the present dis-I arrived in England, or knew any thing of the matcontents, there still remained so much respect in ter; so that if they had given me a pension on that America for this country, that wisdom would do account, (as is said by some,) it would have been more towards reducing things to order, than all very dishonest in me to accept it. I wish an enquiry our forces, and that, if the address expected from was made of the Dutch parsons how they came the congress of the colonies should be unhappily by the letter you mention, which is undoubetdly a such as could not be made the foundation, three forgery, as not only there were no such facts, but or four wise and good men, personages of some there is no such person as the queen's chaplain. I rank and dignity, should be sent over to America, think there is no doubt, but that, though the stamp with a royal commission to enquire into grievances, act should be repealed, some mulct or punishment hear complaints, learn the true state of affairs, will be inflicted on the colonies, that have suffered giving expectations of redress where they found the houses of officers, &c. to be pulled down; the people really aggrieved, and endeavoring to especially if their respective assemblies do not convince and reclaim them by reason, where they immediately make reparation." found them in the wrong: That such an instance of the considerateness, moderation, and justice of this country towards its remote subjects would contribute more towards securing and perpetuat- man, to whose friendship, and counsel, I owe much, Extract of a letter from Silas Deane, at Paris, respecting Dr. Franklin. "Gratitude, as well as justice, to that truly great oblige me to say on this occasion, that I only establishment of lasting peace and union with the believe, but know that the reports of his enemies, colonies: but, if the deep rooted prejudices of Ameto say no more, are directly the reverse of the rica, and the necessity of preventing her trade from character which Dr. Franklin has ever sustained, passing into foreign channels, must keep us still and which he now most eminently supports. It a divided people, 1 shall, from every private as well gives me pleasure to reflect on the honors and respect universally paid him by all orders of peo ple in France, and never did I enjoy greater satisfaction, than in being the spectator of the public honors paid him. "A celebrated cause being to be heard before the parliament of Paris, and the house and street leading to it crowded with people, on the appearance of Dr. Franklin, way was made for him in the most respectful manner, and he passed through the crowd to the seat reserved for him, amid the acclamations of the people—an honor seldom paid to their first princes of the blood. as public motive, most heartily lament that this "I received safe the letters your lordship so kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my thanks. "The official despatches, to which you refer me, contain nothing more than what we had seen in the act of parliament; viz. "Offers of pardon upon submission;" which I am sorry to find, as it must give your lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business. "When he attended the operas and plays similar honors were paid him, and I confess I felt a joy and pride which was pure and honest, though not "Directing pardons to be offered to the colodisinterested, for I considered it an honor to be nies, who are the very parties injured, expresses known to be an American and his acquaintance. I indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness and am unable to express the grief and indignation I insensibility, which your uninformed and proud nafeel at finding such a character represented as the tion has long been pleased to entertain of us; but worst that human depravity is capable of exhibit. it can have no other effect than that of increasing ing, and that such a representation should be made our resentments. It is impossible we should think even by Americans." of submission to a government that has, with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burned our DR. FRANKLIN AND LORD HOWE. defenceless towns in the midst of winter; excited [Lord Howe was one of the commissioners sent out, the savages to massacre our peaceful farmers, and in 1775, to prevent the revolution. On his ar- our slaves to murder their masters; and is even rival he addressed the following note to Dr. now bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our Franklin-the reply of the latter is truly a mas- settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries ter-piece. Is has been frequently published, but have extinguished every spark of affection for that it seemed as if we could not dispense with its parent country, that we ouce held so dear, but insertion in this volume.] Lord Howe to Dr. Franklin. "I cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters and parcels, which I have sent, to be landed, with out adding a word upon the subject of the injurious extremities, in which our unhappy disputes have engaged us. were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you, I mean the British nation, to forgive the people you have so heavily injured. You can never confide again in those, as fellow subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given such just causes of lasting enmity; and this must impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavor to break "You will learn the nature of my mission from our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing the official despatches, which I have recommend- by every means in your power, our growing strength ed to be forwarded by the same conveyance.—and prosperity. Retaining all the earnestness, I ever expressed, to see our differences accommodated, I shall con- "Your lordship mentions "the king's paternal ceive, if I meet with the disposition in the colonies, solicitude for promoting the establishment of lastwhich I was once taught to expect, the most flatter- ing peace and union with the colonies." If, by ing hopes of proving servicable in the objects of peace, he here meant a peace, to be entered into the king's paternal solicitude, by promoting the by distinct states, now at war, and Iris majesty has given your lordship powers to treat with us described in your letter, is “the necessity of preof such a peace, I may venture to say, though with- venting the American trade from passing into out authority, that I think a treaty for that pur-foreign channels." To me it seems that neither pose not quite impracticable, before we enter into the obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable foreign alliances; but I am persuaded you have no soever, is an object for which men may justly spill such powers. Your nation thought, by punishing each other's blood; that the true and sure means those American governors, who have fomented the of extending and securing commerce are the good. discord; rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing, ness and cheapness of commodities: and that the as far as possible, the mischiefs done us, she might profits of no trade can ever be equal to the exrécover a great share of our regard, and the greatest pense of compelling it, and holding it by fleets share of our growing commerce, with all the ad- and armies. I consider this war against us, therevantages of that additional strength to be derived fore, as both unjust and unwise; and I am per. from a friendship with us; yet, I know too well her suaded that cool and dispassionate posterity will abounding pride and deficient wisdom, to believe condemn to infamy those who advised it: and that she will ever take such salutary measures. Her even success will not save from some degree of fondness for conquest, as a warlike nation; her lust dishonor those who have voluntarily engaged to of dominion, as an ambitious one; and her thirst for conduct it. a gainful monopoly, as a commercial one, none of them legitimate causes of war, will join to hide from her eyes every view of her true interest, and continually goad her on, in these ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and of treasure, that they must prove as pernicious to her in the end, as the crusades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe. "I have not the vanity, my lord, to think of intimidating by thus predicting the effects of this war: for I know that it will, in England, have the fate of all my former predictions, not to be believed till the event shall verify it, "I know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and, I believe, when you find that to be impossible, on any terms given you to propose, you will then relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honorable private station. "With the greatest and most sincere respect, I have the honor to be," &c. DR. FRANKLIN. Introduction of Dr. Franklin into the Frenchacademy. The people of France have, on various occasions, "Long did I endeavor, with unfeigned and un- evinced that they partook of our political sentiwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine ments and feelings. When the death of Washington and noble porcelain vase, the British empire: for, was announced, Bonaparte and the national repreI knew that, being once broken, the separate parts sentatives wore mourning. On the death of Frankcould not retain even their share of the strength lin, the national assembly put on the emblems of and value that existed in the whole, and that a grief, and appointed one of their members, Abbe perfect re-union of those parts could scarce ever Fauchett, to pronounce his eulogy; the place in be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remem-which he spoke was hung with black, and decoratber the tears of joy that wetted my cheek, when, ed with the most expensive devices. In the at your good sister's, in London, you once gave course of the oration the orator burst forth in this me expectations, that a reconciliation might take apostrophe. "Thou bright luminary of freedom, place. I had the misfortune to find these expecta-why should I call thee great? Grandeur is too often tions disappointed, and to be treated as the cause the scourge of the human kind, whose felicity thy of the mischief I was laboring to prevent. My goodness was ever exerted to promote. Thou consolation, under that groundless and malevolent hast been the benefactor of the universe; be thy treatment, was that I retained the friendship of name ever revered. May it be the comfort of the many wise and good men in that country, and wretched, the joy of the free. What man is more among the rest, some share in the regard of lord entitled to our gratitude? It was not sufficient to Howe. control the lightning of Heaven, and to avert the "The well founded esteem, and permit me to fury of the growling tempest; thou hast rendered say, affection, which I shall always have for your unto mankind a service still greater; thou extinlordship, make it painful to me to see you engaged guishest the thunder of earthly despots, which was in conducting a war, the great ground of which, as ready to be hurled upon their trembling subjects. What pleasure must it have been to thee on earth,{ Condorcet thus describes this grateful and memor. to perceive others profiting by thy precepts and able ceremony:-At this same time Paris boasted, thy example. With what greater rapture must also, the presence of the celebrated Franklin, who, thou now contemplate thy own diffusion of light; in another hemisphere, had been the apostle of it will illumine the world, and man, perceiving his philosophy and toleration. Like Voltaire, he had natural dignity, will raise his soul to Heaven and often employed the weapon of humour which cor. bow to no empire but that which is founded on rects the absurdities of men, and had displayed virtue and reason. I have but one wish to utter: it their perversness as a folly more fatal but also is a wish dear to my heart; a wish always cherished worthy of pity. He had joined to the science of in thy virtuous and benevolent bosom-surely it metaphysics the genius of practical philosophy; as will derive some favor from the throne of God, Voltaire, that of poetry. Franklin had delivered when uttered in the name of Franklin: It is that, the vast continent of America from the yoke of in becoming free, men may become also wiser Europe, and I was eager to see a man whose reputaand better-there is no other means of deserving liberty." Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. William Smith, expresses himself, “I can testify that there appear ed to me more veneration and respect attached to the character of Dr. Franklin in France, than to that of any other person in the same country, tion had long been spread over both worlds.Voltaire, although he had lost the habit of speaking English, endeavored to support the conversation in that language, and afterwards resuming the French, he said, 'I could not resist the desire of speaking the language of Mr. Franklin, for a moment.' The American philosopher presented his foreign or native. I had an opportunity of know. grandson to Voltaire, with a request that he would ing particularly how far these sentiments were felt give him his benediction. 'God and liberty," said Voltaire, it is the only benediction which can ba by the foreign ambassadors and ministers at the given to the grandson of Franklin.' court of Versailles. The fable of his capture by the Algerines, propagated by the English newspa "They went together to a public assembly of pers, excited no uneasiness, as it was seen at once the Academy of Sciences, and the public at the to be a dish cooked up to please certain readers; but same time beheld with emotion these two men, nothing could exceed the anxiety of his diplomatic born in different quarters of the globe, venerable brethren, on a subsequent report of his death, which by their years, their glory, the employment of although premature bore some marks of authenticity. their life, and both enjoying the influence which I found the ministers of France equally impressed they had exercised over the age in which they with his talents and integrity, The Count de lived. They embraced each other amidst public Vergennes, particularly, gave me repeated and un-acclamations, and it was said to be Solon who equivocal demonstrations of his entire confidence embraced Sophocles. But the French Sophocles in him." had trampled on error and advanced the reign of "When he left Passy, it seemed as if the village reason; and the Solon, of Philadelphia, having had lost its Patriarch. On taking leave of the placed the constitution of his country on the court, which he did by letter, the king ordered immoveable foundation of the rights of man, had him to be handsomely complimented, and furnished no fear of seeing his uncertain laws, even during him with a litter and mules of his own, the only his own life, open the way to tyranny, and prepare kind of conveyance the state of his health could fetters for his country." Case of Asgill. bear. The succession to Dr. Franklin at the court of France, was an excellent school of humility to me. On being presented to any one, as the minister The following narrative and letters we have copied of America, the common place question was 'Is it you, sir, who replace Dr. Franklin? I generally answered, "no one can replace him, sir; I am only his successor." But his introduction into the academy, was as high a testimonial of esteem as one great people could offer another. As he entered D'Alembert saluted him with the celebrated line. Eripuit calo fulmen, sceptrumque tyrannis. from the correspondence of baron Grimm. The baron was led to notice it, from its being made the ground work of a French tragedy called Abdir, by Sauvigny, represented at Paris in January, 1789.-Bost. Dai. Adv. You can well remember the general interest which sir Asgill inspired, a young officer in the English guards, who was made prisoner and condemned to death by the Americans in reprisal |