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"Our conftitution hath indeed effectually fecured the monarch's performance of his engagements: not by that clumfy contrivance of republican wit, the establishment of a court of judicature, with authority to try his conduct, and to punish his delinquency; not by that coarfer expedient of modern levellers, a reference to the judgment and the fentence of the multitude-wife judgment! I ween, and righteous fentence! but by two peculiar provifions of a deep and subtle policy; the one, in the form; the other, in the principles of government; which, in their joint operation, render the tranfgreffion of the covenant, on the part of the monarch, little less than a moral impoffibility. The one is the judicious partition of the legiflative authority, between the king, and the two houses of parliament; the other, the refponfibility attaching upon the advifers and official fervants of the crown. By the firft, the nobles, and the reprefentatives of the commons, are severally armed with a power of conftitutional refistance, to oppofe to prerogative overstepping its just bounds, by the exercise of their own rights and their own privileges: which power of the eftates of parliament, with the neceffity, takes away the pretence for any fpontaneous interference of the private citizen, otherwise than by the use of the elective franchife, and of the right of petition for the redrefs of grievances. By the fecond, thofe, who might be willing to be the inftruments of defpotifm, are deterred by the dangers which await the fervice. Having thus excluded all probability of the event of a fyftematic abufe of royal power, or a dangerous exorbitance of prerogative, our conftitution exempts her kings from the degrading neceffity of being accountable to the fubject. She invefts them with the high attribute of political impeccability. She declares, that wrong, in his public capacity, a king of Great Britain cannot do; and thus unites the moft perfect fecurity of the fubject's liberty, with the most abfolute inviolability of the facred perfon of the fovereign.

"Such is the British conftitution. Its bafis, religion; its end, liberty its principal means and fafe-guard of liberty, the majefty of the fovereign. In fupport of it, the king is not more interested than the peasant." P. 20.

The picture which follows, of the state of France, has been copied in various prints, and well deferves it; we cannot, however, deny ourselves the pleasure of placing it here it is, indeed, a tragic pleasure; but in that clafs the most refined fenfations are comprised:

"The fame leffon is confirmed by the horrible example, which the present hour exhibits, in the unparalleled mifery of a neighbouring nation; once great in learning, arts and arms! Now torn by contending factions! Her government demolished! Her altars overthrown! Her first born defpoiled of their birth-right! Her nobles degraded! Her beft citizens exiled! Her riches, facred and profane, given up to the pillage of facrilege and rapine! Atheists directing her councils! Defperadoes conducting her armies! Wars of unjust and chimerical ambition confuming her youth! Her gra

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maries exhaufted! Her fields uncultivated! Famine threatning her multitudes! Her ftreets fwarming with affaffins, filled with violence, deluged with blood!·

"Is the picture frightful? Is the mifery extreme the guilt horrid? Alas, these things were but the prelude of the tragedy. Public juftice poifoned in its fource! profaned, in the abuse of its moft folemn forms, to the fouleft purposes! A monarch deliberately murdered! A monarch-whofe only crime it was, that he inherited a fceptre, the thirty-fecond of his illuftrious stock, butchered on a public fcaffold, after the mockery of arraignment, trial, fentence! Butchered, without the merciful formalities of the vilest malefactor's execution! The fad privilege of a last farewel to the furrounding populace refused! Not the paufe of a moment allowed for devotion! Honourable interment denied to the corpfe! The royal widow's. anguish imbittered by the rigour of a clofe imprisonment with hope, indeed, at no great distance, of release-of fuch release as hath been given to her Lord!"

The appendix on Calvin is intended to deprive the levellers of the authority of Calvin's name; to which, together with "that of Luther, and of other celebrated reformers, fome "among them have pretended."

ART. VII. A Sermon preached before the Honourable House of Commons, at St. Margaret's, Westminster, on Wednesday, January 30, 1793, &c. By the Rev. Thomas Hay, A. M. Chaplain to the Houfe of Commons. 4to. IS. Walter.

IN this fenfible and useful difcourfe, the general principle of

obedience prescribed by the gospel is first noticed, then the abufe of Chriftianity by fanaticifin, to produce the contrary effects; as in the inftance of our own civil wars. The peculiar call from present circumstances to a more folemn obfervance of the day, is then stated, and the events of the time commemorated, are fo examined as to fhow, that no one good end propofed was gained by thofe convulfions. We are reminded, that "found religion will ever ftrengthen our loyalty and genuine "patriotifm;" that "national punishments are the appointed "confequence of national offences;" and that we ought, inftead of being difcontented, to be thankful for the bleffings we enjoy. The caufes for that thankfulness are thus enumerated:

"The country in great profperity, and protected in the enjoyment of it: firm in its own ftrength, and powerful in its refources: our manufactures flourishing, our commerce and navigation extended, and the public revenues increased, beyond all example of former ages: the adminiftration of juftice fo pure and irreproachable, as to enfure to all ranks the fulleft fecurity of their lives, their properties

and

and their characters: an establifhed religion encouraged and protected by law; a freedom of religious opinions and religious worship granted to perfons of all perfuafions: and all thefe bleffings enjoyed under the authority of a fovereign, whofe private and public virtues have long and firmly eftablished him in the hearts and affections of his fubjects." P. 17.

In the above paffage it fhould have been property, properties in the plural are qualities.

ART. VIII.

Letters to the Philofophers and Politicians France on the Subject of Religion. By Jofeph Priestley, LL. D. F. R. S. &c. 50 pages.

THE

IS.

I motive of this publication is honourable to the writer. It is indeed a melancholy truth, that the modern philofophy and modern politics of France abforb in one common vortex of deftruction all that focial duty demands, and all that morality reveres. Dr. Prieftley, in this refpect at least, feeing things as we do, has naturally taken alarm in the caufe of religion, and meritorioufly endeavoured to counteract the mifchievous effects of the poifon.

We shall be a little more particular on this occafion than the fize of the publication before us may feem to require, both becaufe we think the matter it contains of the most ferious importance, and because, at this period, and on this fubject, any thing from the pen of Dr. Priestley cannot fail to excite univerfal curiofity. The Doctor's pamphlet confifts of five letters, The first, in a manly and argumentative ftyle, urges the importance of the objects which religion involves: the fecond is on the being of a God; the third on the attributes and providence of God; the fourth on the evidence of the miracles performed in attestation of the Jewish and Christian religion, with cautions against fuperficial reasoning on the fubject. The last letter feems to have little to do with the subject prefixed, and is rather a Philippic against establishments, and an eulogium on the virtue and wisdom of diffenters, than a vehicle of instruction and advice to the philofophers and politicians of France.

We repeat, that the motive of this publication is entitled to respect and praise; and though, perhaps, it contains no novel arguments in vindication of the cause of religion, we might have recommended it to the attention of all readers of all par ties, if the author had not unneceffarily, and we think impertinently, wandered from his fubject. The following argument, in favour of miracles, is not perfectly new, but it is well urged, and, whether new or old, it merits ferious attention. "Again,

"Again, the proof that fuch miracles have been wrought, is fuck teftimony as cannot be denied without admitting ftill greater miracles, viz. that numbers of perfons, the beft qualified to judge of them, and who had no motive to impofe upon others, atteft their reality. Since, to fuppofe that all those persons were either deceived themfelves, or concurred in a scheme to impofe upon others, would be more evidently contrary to the known courfe of nature respecting mankind (who we must take for granted have been the fame in all ages) than the reality of the miracles which they atteft; this, when all the circumstances of the cafe are attentively confidered, being a more manifest violation of the established laws of nature, than the other, and for no rational end.

"For example, that the whole nation of the Jews, confifting at that time of fix hundred thousand men, befides women and children, fhould believe that, after feeing many miracles performed in Egypt, they all walked through the Red Sea, while the waters divided to make them way; that they all heard the diftinct articulate pronunciation of the ten commandments from mount Sinai; that after continuing in the wilderness forty years, during which they were witnesses of several other miracles, they all went through the river Jordan, as they had through the Red Sea; that they should obferve the Paffover, and other annual cuftoms, in commemoration of those events, and preserve among them to this day books containing a distinct narrative of thefe events, univerfally, and at all times, believed to be written at the time while the events were recent, are facts of this nature.

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Naturally," fays the Doctor, page 42, "there can be no "more connexion between religion and civil government, than "between philosophy, medicine, or any other branch of know

ledge and civil government." But is this argument! Civil government has neceffarily a regard to the outward demeanour of the citizen, which, whether it is peaceable or otherwise, muft be influenced by the moral feelings which religion inspires. Thus then it appears, that there does exift a natural connexion betwixt religion and civil government. But what has medicine to do with the outward deportment of the citizen? or what has philofophy? unless, indeed, of fuch a kind as that which the Gallic friends of Dr. Priestley cultivate. We certainly think the last letter of this work very feeble in point of argument, intemperate as to its affertions, and furely very difputable in its conclufion. The Doctor complains of the ingratitude of that country, which he has faithfully endeavoured to ferve, The comment on this unqualified affertion, we leave to a majority of the Doctor's countrymen, not to a majority of these philofophers and politicians, of whom he fubfcribes himself the fellow citizen.

It seems to have been the uniform defign of Dr. Priestley to make converts to what he calls Christianity, by relinquish

ing every point which might offend the pride of philofophical reafoners; and he, therefore, reprefents the doctrines of the Trinity, vicarious fuffering, among others, as corruptions of Christianity. He confiders the facred writings as the produc tions of pious uninfpired men, and the earlier parts of the hif torical books as collected only from tradition. In his progrefs to clear away objections by this method, the ground on which he flood has seemed to fink repeatedly from under him; and it will be well if, in the end, he leaves himself a fingle point on which to rest his faith.

In his endeavours to recommend religion to the French nation, Dr. Priestley thinks it neceffary to warn its legislators against the evil of establishments, and exhorts them to fet a glorious example to the Chriftian world, by relieving civil government of all concern about religion, and leave men to provide for it as they fhould think proper themselves. In which cafe, doubtlefs, very ample provifion would be made, and a very respectable ministry supported to preach the gospel to the poor! He thinks it of little confequence to fociety, whether men have any belief in a future ftate or not, as he conceives that care may be taken by good laws, and a wife administration of them, to prevent their injuring one another; making, it seems, no account of the influence of that great religious doctrine in correcting internal difpofitions to evil; and thus removing even the cause of crimes. It is not by circulating fuch opinions in contradiction to the natural conclufions of reason, and the univerfal teftimony of experience, that the Doctor can render fervice to any country. The foi-difant philofophers of France will hardly thank him for advice which, however good it might be, they would think themselves above receiving, being, in their own perfons, the great oracles of truth; and the inhabitants of England are not likely to be foon perfuaded, that the man who has no dread of future punishment, nor hope of future reward, can be made as good a fubject to the state, as he who adds these motives to all other reasons for right conduct.

ART. IX. Remarks on the Speech of M. Dupont, made in the National Convention of France, on the Subjects of Religion and Public Education. By Hannah More. 2d edit. Cadell. 2s. 6d.

THIS lady, who is defervedly celebrated among us, as well

for the variety of her accomplishments, as for the exemplary benevolence which characterizes her manners, and breathes in all her writings, now steps forwards the champion of truth,

of

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