principle as these resolutions of the revolutionary congress, although it met with so very different a reception from the American people.

The reasons which Mr. Chase and the other members of the committee presented to congress, in support of their recommendation, were, "that the several testimonies which have been published since the commencement of the present contest betwixt Great Britain and America, and the uniform tenor of the conduct and conversation of a number of persons of considerable wealth, who profess themselves to belong to the society of people called Quakers, render it certain and notorious that those persons are with much rancour and bitterness disaffected to the American cause: that as these persons have it in their power, so there is no doubt it will be their inclination, to communicate intelligence to the enemy, and in various other ways to injure the counsels and arms of America:

"That when the enemy, in the month of December, 1776, were bending their progress towards the city of Philadelphia, a certain seditious publication, addressed To our friends and brethren in religious profession in these and the adjacent provinces,' signed 'John Pemberton, in and on behalf of the meeting of sufferings held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and New Jersey, the twenty-sixth of the twelfth month, 1776,' was published, and as your committee is credibly informed, circulated amongst many mem

bers of the society called Quakers, throughout the different states:

"That the seditious paper aforesaid originated in the city of Philadelphia, and the persons whose names are mentioned have uniformly manifested a disposition highly inimical to the cause of America."

The committee, therefore, recommend that the persons of several well known Quaker gentlemen should be "secured," together with such papers in their possession as might be of a political nature. And they add, that "whereas there is strong reason to apprehend that these persons maintain a correspondence and connection highly prejudicial to the public safety, not only in this state, but in the several states of America:

"That it be recommended to the executive powers of the respective states, forthwith to apprehend and secure all persons, as well among the people called Quakers as others, who have in their general conduct and conversation evidenced a disposition inimical to the cause of America; and that the persons so seized be confined in such places, and treated in such manner as shall be consistent with their respective characters and security of their persons:

"That the records and papers of the meetings of sufferings in the respective states, be forthwith secured and carefully examined, and that such parts of them as may be of a political nature, be forthwith transmitted to congress."

However severe this treatment of the members of a sect generally unoffending, and far from seditious, may appear at first view, there was certainly much provocation given by the quakers in their publications prior to this time, intended for the purpose of thwarting and discrediting the plans of congress; besides the detection of a systematic scheme of communication with the enemy, which had been put in practice by a monthly meeting in New Jersey.

The testimony published by order of a general meeting of the quakers of Jersey and Pennsylviania and by subordinate meetings, also contained many seditious sentiments, which were of course, widely circulated, and which congress could not but feel as insulting and at the same time injurious.

Thus, in the beginning of the year 1775, they had published an address or testimony, in which they say, in reference to the revolutionary movements which had then taken place, "we have, by repeated public advices and private admonitions, used our endeavours to dissuade the members of our religious society from joining with the public resolutions promoted and entered into by some of the people, which as we apprehended, so we now find have increased contention, and produced great discord and confusion.

"We are, therefore, incited by a sincere concern for the peace and welfare of our country, publicly to declare against every usurpation of power and authority, in opposition to the laws and government, and

against all combinations, insurrections, conspiracies and illegal assemblies."

Again, in the commencement of 1776, they concluded an eloquent anti-revolutionary address in these words, "may we firmly unite in the abhorrence of all such writings and measures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happy connection we have heretofore enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and those who are lawfully placed in authority under him."

Subsequently to the Declaration of Independence, they persevered in the use of the same offensive language, exhorting their members to "withstand and refuse to submit to the arbitrary injunctions and ordinances of men who assume to themselves the power of compelling others, either in person or by other assistance, to join in carrying on war.

They also complained bitterly, and perhaps not without cause, of having their blankets taken from them, under requisitions and to such an extent of deprivation as to be in danger of wanting "that needful covering in a cooler season." And that their houses had been stripped of the leaden weights by "order of those who have in these tumultuous times assumed the rule."

But the heaviest grievance which they suffered, seems to have been the inconveniences they were put to in consequence of refusing to keep the appointed VOL. IX.-D d

fast days, or to celebrate the first anniversary of the declaration of independence.

"The houses of several Friends," they said, "have been wantonly abused, and their windows broke and destroyed by a rude rabble, for not joining with the present rulers in their pretended acts of devotion, and conforming to their ordinances in making a show of that sort, in shutting up our houses and shops, professedly to observe a day of humiliation, and to crave a blessing on their public proceedings, but evidently tending to spread the spirit of strife and contention.

"The like abuses and wanton destruction of our property hath lately been repeated, because Friends could not illuminate their houses, and conform to such vain practices and outward marks of rejoicing, to commemorate the time of these people's withdrawing themselves from all subjection to the English government, and from our excellent constitution, under which we long enjoyed peace and prosperity.”

Before passing from this view of Mr. Chase's congressional services, which we have seen were not surpassed by those of any other member, it may be excusable to set forth, in part, a most eloquent state paper which he drafted shortly before he relinquished his seat in congress.

In the spring of 1778, intelligence was received of the intention of the British parliament to pass certain acts, called conciliatory bills, providing for the appointment of commissioners to treat with the Americans. Congress were very jealous of the operation