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injury to any one; and, with the addition of years, continue to rife in purfuits." He adds, "But more interefting, and still more exalted fubjects, must employ my future fpan." Whether Mr. P. means by this, to direct our expectations of more pofthumous works to the fubject of divinity, or to what else that may deferve the name of more interefting and exalted than natural history and geography, we are at a lofs to guess, but time will doubtlefs explain; and it is fufficient for the expecting Reviewers cordially to wish him increafing pleasure in his amusements, and increafing advantage in his studies.

The literary life, which is promifed in the title page, confifts of 45 pages only; the remainder of the book, under the title of Appendix," prefents us with 8 tracts written on different occafions, and never before admitted into the acknowledged works of Mr. Pennant. The first of thefe is addreffed to the Hon. Daines Barrington on the Patagonians, the refult of which is, that, according to the teftimony collected by the author, the country called Patagonia, is actually inhabited by three different claffes of men; the first of common fize, the fecond a few inches, or about a head taller than Europeans, the third of the extraordinary height mentioned by Magellan, and eight or nine more witneffes; a fourth clafs is fuppofed to be formed from a mixture of all these. In the fubjects of natural hiftory, incredulity is fometimes carried to an unreasonable length, and ought undoubtedly to yield to adequate teftimony. The public is cer tainly obliged to Mr. Pennant for collecting all that can be found on the curious fubject of the Patagonians. This tract was written in 1771.

No. II. Of the Appendix is entitled "Free Thoughts on the Militia Laws, addreffed to the poor Inhabitants of North Wales," and bears date in 1781. The purpofe of it is diametrically contrary to that of many indefatigable writers of the present day, and is expreffed in the concluding fentence: "But I hope that peace and mutual confidence will reign among us, and that rich and poor will, as is their joint intereft, endeavour to promote, to the utmost of their abilities, RESPECT TO THE LAWS, AND RESPECT TO TRUE LIBERTY."

No. III. Is "A Letter from a Welth Freeholder to his Representative," dated 1784. It is in favour of the king's conftitutional prerogative, then afferted, of choofing his own minifters.

No. IV. and V. Are "Short Letters;" one" On the Affectation of the Ladies to wear the Military Drefs in 1781:" the other "On Imprudency of Conduct in married Ladies."

In No. VI. "On the Subject of the Flintshire Petition in 1779," we find a speech drawn up by the author, which he confeffes BRIT. CRIT. VOL. I. MAY 1793.

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confeffes he could not mufter fpirits to deliver, being, as he obferves, in the fpeech, "totally unused to speak in public." No. VII. Is "Against Mail-Coaches:" and must be owned to state fome juft caufes of complaint.

No. VIII. Which Mr. Pennant styles his LAST AND BEST WORK, is "The Propofal, or Requifition, for the Loyal Affociation in Flintshire, with the Refolutions there paffed:" and does honour to the loyalty and patriotism of the author.,

The ornaments of this work are the head of Mr. Pennant, from Gainsborough's picture, certainly not without refemblance; and a view of part of Fountains Abbey: exclufively of which, we have a calculation, in p. 38, that the author has caused to be engraved, at different times, not lefs than 802 plates; fo great a friend has he been to the art of engraving!

As Mr. Pennant's poetry is lefs known than his profe, the public will, doubtlefs, be pleased to see a specimen of it produced in 1769:

"ODE, occafioned by a Lady profeffing an Attachment to
INDIFFERENCE.

"Fly Indifference, hated maid!
Seek Spitzbergen's barren fhade:
Where old Winter keeps his court
There, fit gueft, do thou refort:
And thy frofty breast repose
'Midft congenial ice and fnows.
There refide, infipid maid,
But ne'er infeft my EMMA's head.

"Or elfe feek the cloister pale,
Where reluctant virgins veil:
In the corner of whofe heart
Earth with Heav'n ftill keeps a part:
There thy fulleft influence fhower,
Free poor Grace from Paffion's power.
Give! give! fond ELOISA reft;
But fhun, oh fhun my EMMA's breaft!
"Or on LYCE, wanton maid!
Be thy chilling finger laid.
Quench the frolic beam that flies,
From her bright fantastic eyes.
Teach the sweet coquet to know
Heart of ice in breaft of fnow:

Give peace to her: give peace to me:
But leave, oh leave my EMMA free!
"But if thou, in grave disguife,
Seek'ft to make that nymph thy prize:

Should

Should that nymph, deceiv'd by thee,
Liften to thy fophiftry:

Should the court thy cold embraces,
And to thee refign her graces;
What, alas! is left for me,

But to fly myself to thee.

CHESTER, March 1769."

It is not speaking too highly of thefe lines to fay, that, a few defects excepted, they are greatly fuperior in fpirit to Lady Carlifle's Anfwer to Mrs. Greville's Ode to Indifference.

With this extract we may difmifs Mr. Pennant's Literary Life, remarking only, that the extreme good humour of the whole difarms all kind of petulance that might be raised by the foibles betrayed in it, or the blemishes that might be noticed ; and that we are very willing therefore to obey his injunction of "Tu manes ne læde meos.'

ART. V. The Example of France a Warning to Britain. By Arthur Young, Efq. F.R. S. Richardfon. 8vo. 146 pages, 2s. 6d. and 2d edit. 182 pages. 3s.

THE

HERE can be no just cause for fcruple or hesitation in pronouncing this to be one of the most useful and impreffive pamphlets that the prefent crifis has produced. It is the result of strong conviction operating upon an active and vigorous mind. To render it yet more ftriking, it is the result of converfion alfo, as well as conviction. Mr. Young was, for fome time, a favourer of the French Revolution; he watched its progrefs and effects in the country itself, with the eye of an attentive obferver; and he learned to hold it in utter deteftation. There is nothing in all this that can deserve cenfure, or ought even to excite furprise. It is perfectly easy to conceive the progress of his fentiments, and to fee how fully it is justifiable in every step.

Mr. Young, like every other Englishman of spirit, is doubtlefs a fincere lover of freedom. He faw with indignation and contempt the oppreffive features of the old French government: indignation at the iniquity by which they had been introduced, contempt for the tame acquiefcence by which they had fo long been tolerated. He wished to fee a nation of that magnitude vindicate its character from these reproaches, and obtain poffeffion of that rational and manly liberty which is fecured to us by our most admirable conftitution. On these points the general sentiments of the British nation, at the beginning of the

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French

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French Revolution, were fully in accord with his. As events proceeded, fpeculative opinions might be allowed, for fome time, to fluctuate concerning the theoretical merit of the plans purfued; but the period for a philofopher to make his fair decifion was when their effects were fully feen in practice. At fuch a time an obftinate man preferves his firft opinion, merely, because it was his fift; a reasonable man is governed by the circumftances, and if that which in theory feemed fpecious, turns out to be in practice pernicious, he not only fees his error, but, if he has fufficient virtue, owns that he has feen it.

Originally alfo Mr. Young might probably be a favourer of what is called reform in our own conftitution. With an active zeal for liberty, and a natural love for improvement in all matters to which his fpeculations were directed, he might fancy, with fome other well-intentioned perfons, that perfonal influence in politics ought to be diffufed more widely; and that the theories of policy, founded on that fuppofition, were not sufficiently realized in the practice of our own conftitution. But the revolution in France, by a very natural effect, completely undeceived him. He there faw plainly, by undeniable proof, that all political fecurity refts upon the fecurity of property; and that, from the moment when multitude overpowers induftry and wealth, nothing is to be expected but the violence of low paffions, and the most unjust exceffes to obtain their gratifica tion. A change in opinion fo produced, can never be thought blameable by those who are true friends to reason. A philofopher fets out with certain preconceived opinions concerning the animal œconomy: he attends afterwards to the progrefs of experiments which prove that he was totally mistaken. If he be truly a philofopher, his first joy will be to find himself delivered from an error; his firft with to make his knowledge beneficial to others.

Such is the fituation of the author of this pamphlet; his juftification of himself is therefore perfect, when he fays:

"But in attempting to give expreffions adequate to the indignation every one muft feel at the horrible events now paffing in France, I am fenfible that I may be reproached with changing my politics, my" principles," as it has been expreffed. My principles I certainly have not changed, because if there is one principle more predominant than another in my politics, it is the principle of change. I have been too long a farmer to be governed by any thing but events; I have a conftitutional abhorrence of all theory, of all truft in abstract reafoning; and confequently a reliance merely on experience; in other words, on events, the only principle worthy of an experimenter." P. P. 3.

That the happiness of a large nation fhould be put to the ha

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zard of a precarious experiment, is a melancholy circumstance. Men, not habitually callous to fuch feelings, think with fome horror on the tortures and destruction of animals occafioned by the curiofity of experimental inquirers: but to have the fortunes and the lives of millions of human creatures fubjected to the iffue of a daring experiment, is infinitely more horrible. There is in the compofition of man a subject of torture beyond all comparison more capable of acute fuffering than any thing belonging to inferior animals: it is the mind, which, in the violation of all justice, all humanity, in the outrages committed against all natural feelings, or long established fentiments, experiences fuch pangs as nothing can occafion where there is not that ingredient. Putting out of the account the wounds. and death that this atrocious experiment has occafioned, the torments of this kind which it has multiplied beyond all poffibility of calculation, and which its agents have urged and aggravated without a fingle particle of remorfe, fuffice to make us deprecate all fuch empiricifm, and liften with attention to the monitor, who kindly holds up this example as a warning to us. An experiment is certainly the proper light in which to confider the French Revolution; the theory was the doctrine of rights; the refult of a full trial of it is in this pamphlet ably laid before us.

Mr. Young's work is divided in the following manner;

I. He confiders the prefent ftate of France under the heads of, 1. Government: 2. Perfonal Liberty: 3. Security of Property.

II. The Causes of her Evils, which are arranged under the divifions of, 1. Perfonal Representation: 2. The Rights of Man: 3. Equality.

Then, having premised a difcuffion of what has been propofed as a reform in our parliament, and shown that it is not a reftoration, but a total innovation in our conftitution, and leads directly to perfonal representation, he makes an application of the example of France to what he calls the, 1. Landed, 2. Monied, 3. Commercial, and 4. Labouring Interests of these Kingdoms. The remainder of the work is occupied in reflections on the fubjects of militia and affociations.

On all these topics, in their turn, Mr. Young offers fuch remarks as imply a strong and accurate conception of the subject, making fome occafional appeals to our country by way of contrast, besides the general application noted in the latter part. Under the Ift article of Government the anarchy of France is very clearly proved, from the open difregard paid to the Convention itself by the commons of Paris, the Jacobins, the municipalities,

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