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build and equip a navy"-lever was so important, most formidable hour ever collected, even with a subject more expeditiously despatched. The the aid of press gangs. The object seems easy Roman decree, "Dant operam coneules, ne quid detriin be obtained--the view is magnificently greatmenti capiat respublicu," was a singular model of surely it is worthy of being seriously contemplaied. concise energy: But it must now cease to be so. The due settlement of the importance of the However, I should have been better pleased bad several states respecting each other, is a matter there been a clause added to nur maritime provi- of capital moment. In congress each state, ought sion for manning the navy: This is the grand point of natural right, to have a weight in proportion in

- Britain finds it io bc so. She cath equip ships its importance. Can any state be justiy entitled to with ease froin her yards: But the great difficulty a greater degree of weight? Can any state honestly is to man them. It was not with the plalans that desire to figure in plumes at another's expense? --Greece kept the great king at arm's length-it Wbat is understood by representation? Is it not a was not with the legions that Rome acquired sign of the reality? Qught such a representation to Sicily and conquered Carthage--it was not with be greater than the reality? Is it not upon this prinher baitalious that Britain awed Europe: But Sula. ciple, however abrised, that the English parliamsin, Ecnoma, and La Hogue, were naval actions ment was formed? Has not this principle been that decided the superiority of nations. If Ameri- adopted in all the houses of assembly that ever sat ca is to be secure at home and respected abrond, upon this continent? Why are we now to deem it must be by a naval force. Shall we then, scarce that unjust, which iill now, we universally acknow. beslow a thoug'it upon this palladium of our safety?ledged as a Grrtain and beneficial truth? What is Nature and experience instruct us, that a maritime called the rotten part of the English constitutionstrength is the best defence to an insular situation. is it not an unequal, and therefore an unjuse reIs not the situation of the United States insular presentation of its territory and wealth? Has not with respect to the powers of the old world: the lord Chatham been censured for not !narinig, dur. quarter from which, wlone, we are to apprehending his all-powerful administration, aitempted to simger? Have not the maritime states the great. cut off that rotten member froin the body politicest influence upon the affairs of the universe? Do an amputation which was ihonghe could scarce fail not the powers of Europe sirain their nerves to of being performed when undertaken by the hand render themselves formidable at sea. This, ihen, of so great a man? Can ingenuity itself find an im. is the theatre, as I may say, on which America must portant distinction between the iwo cases? In both, appear, if she intends to appear any where, with the great states on the one liand, and the great dignity and importance. Can the proper means of counties, cities and boroughs on the other, have her doing so, be better provided for, than in the less weight; and the snall stales, counties, cities confederalion of her United States: This aci ought and boronghs, have more than they ought--such to contain all the great lines of her general polity; is the point in question.—and shall we designedly otherwise it soust be imperfect. The nursery of contract a fatal disease which we know has long her naval power cannot be better established, than been consuming the vital vigor of the English con. by having it made uniform in all the states. What stitution, and is but 109 likely to destroy il? Shall advantage does not Britain expect from lier marine our wise men persist in endeavoring to create that society? What oppression does her people suffer, which it would have been, ILLUSTRIOUS As E 19, from the practice of pressing, to man the royal lord Chaiham's greatesi :lory to have endeavored fleets! -- An absolute outrage upon civilliberty, and to destroy?--I am hurt by the idea-the contrast yet often inadequate to the end. The plan I have fills me with pain and anxiety---however, I do not hinted seems calculated to avoid these evils. The despair of relief. There is a resolution of the first proportion of five in a thousand is small--the al. congress that was held after the British block:de lurements are considerable and not expensive... of B:s!00, from which I have great expectation. the service is but short. And yet, only estimating It was the frst resolve passed by that venerable the white inhabitants at two millions, after the body; and it is couched in these terms: "Resolved, örst sixteen years, ten thousand seamen will an that, in the determining questions in this congress, dually be created, to give security and importance each colony or province shall have one voler--thie to America; and in other seven years, in' all congress not being possessed of, or at present able probability we should have more than doubl- to procure proper materials for ascertaining the the number of seassen, whose bounden duty i: imporiance of each colony.".--Hence, it is evident, woull be in man our flee's, than Britain ja licn' what was u.cir idea of a jusi representation; ndi hope it will yet be:dopted. The Lyciat republic The sall ones should be those 10, by a complete was a confederation of three and twenty towns:proportion, exceeding four proportions of the smalThe great ones had three voices--the middlings, iest: This class would, for the present, contain two---and the small, one: contributing to the pub. Georgia, North Carolina, Delaware, New Jersey, lic expense in proportion to their representation New York, Rhode Island and New Hampshire. We are to cotribute according to our abiliies, and the middling should be those states, by a comwhy should we not bave a weight in proportion 10 plete proportion, exceeding four, and not in the our importance!--If each state must have the same same manner exceeding ten proportions: 'This class weight, let each coniribuie the same sum. We are would comprehend South Carolina, Maryland, i fant states, but we have the wisdom of ages be Pennsylvania and Connecticut. The great states f ore our eyes. Let us not despise what is invalua. should be ascertained by their exceeding eleven ble. It is the best chart by which we can steer proportions of the smalles': This third class would along the difficult coast of government, and veno include Virginia and Massachusetts-Bay. The first lure to run our ship of state into safe port. By this class should have three delegates to each state.--the we may probably find an haven, that will invite the second, six - the third, nine-making a congress of people of all nations to take shelter in it against sixty-nine delegates, who should by a majority de. the furious storms of tyranny. But, withou: it, we termine all questions except those contained in the shall be but too likely to be shipwrecked. Let restrictions, which should be determined by the us therefore adopt uniform and experienced prin. voices of the states. The representation of each ciples throughout our voyage: Let us not trust to state should be increased or lessened, in propor. principles which clash and cannot form a perfect tion to the aid actually paid; and this ought to be system. In the present case, either contribute to the barometer of importance, stimulating each the public aid, according to ability, and bave a state to its utmost contribution. a corresponding weight.--!, have equal weight, These sentiments upon the subject of a confede. and contribute the same sum: Either is a perfect ration, sir, are the result of a few days reflection, systein: But the first part of each must ever con amidst a variety of business, putlic and private: tinue irreconcileable to justice, and the known rule It is, indeed, not long since the plan from the con. of right. The sage Montesquieu, having maturely gress has been received. I am fully sensible, that considered the nature of a confederated govern. my ideas, now thrown out, will admit of important ment, paricularly the Empire and Holland, says, amendments, and therefore I do not presume to “were I to give a model of an excellent confede. offer them for consideration. I have taken the li.

rate republic, I would pitch upon that of Lycia.” berty to drop them only because it was my duty to : Can we do better, sir, than adopt the governing do so: and I think, if the states shall be allowed to

principle in the most perfect model of a confede. vote according to their importance, the sketch I racy? ?

have drawn might form a beneficial confederaI will now beg leave to apply this principle to tion. I observe the plan before us contains thirthe rate for the public aid, established by congress teen articles: I can have no objection to a number on the 22d of November last.

allusive to the confederacy proposed. My sketch New Hampshire .

200,000 contains ten articles. Nor can I suppose that numMassachusetts Bay

820,000 ber will be a matter of difficulty. In collecting Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations 100,000 the materials, I arranged them under sixteen artiConnecticut

600,000 cles; but in condensing the subject, it accidentally New York

200,000 was comprise:1 in ten, altho' I strove to reach the New Jersey

270,000 confederated number. However, tbe accident inPennsylvania .

620,000 stantly made me recollect, that the divine law Delaware.

60,000 to was in ten articles...and that the Ro. Maryland

520,000 man law was originally written on ten tables.-I Virginja .

800,000 confess, sir, I was not displeased--I am sure the North Carolina

250,000 pious men of antiquity would have considered the South Carolina

500,000 accidental ten articles of confederation, as an omen Georgia

60,000 of the beneficial nature of their contents. I may

add, the number thirteen may, and we all hope

5,000,000 will, cease to be allusive to the existing confede. These states I would class in three divisions, racy: But the number ten will ever aliude to the

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man

DECLARATION

eternal monuments of Divine justice, and huma: My LOND AND $11--Your declaration at New. wisdon-Excuse, sir, this excursion to Sinai and York, has reached this place. It has occasione! Rome, I will return to my proper subjeci; nor will surprise and concern. The kuown honor and I detain your attention but a moment.

abilities of your excellencies, and your declara. I have now, Mr. Chairman, with profound humili. tion, appear perfect contrasts. The latter is an ty, given my thoughts upon the confederation of urnatural production. Hurt, as I am, to see your the United States. Thoughts intent upon pro

names so prostituted, I cannot restrain myselt from moting and securing the interests of my native making a few remarks to your excellencies iipon a

subjuct which, by endangering your reputation, country-thoughts equally solicitous for the gran. deur of America.-In delivering thein, I trust i istresses every generous mind. I shall first state

your declaration: have, on that point, fully discharged my duty to my constituents-10 the state-to tlie continent, “By Richard Viscount Howe, of the kingdom of to posterity. I have no intention to derogate from: Ireland, and illiam Howe, esq. general of his the dignity or the merit of congress: I have zeal- majesty's forces in America, the king's COMMISSION. ously supported the one, and I shall ever be ready, Ens for restoring peace to his m.: jesty's colonies and gratefully to pay any tribute of applause to the plantations in North America, &c. &c. &c. other. It is my undoubted privilege as a freeman to speak plainly-it is my bounden duty to do so- “Although the congress, whom the misguided nor can our supreme rulers, constituted only for Americano suffer to direct the opposition to a rethe purpose of preserving to us our civil rights, be establishment of the constitutional government of displeased at such a conduct: Tbe occasion is of these provinces, have disavowed every purpose of the first iinportance.

meant to speak in terms of reconciliation not consonant with their extravagant respect: if any thing of a contrary nature escapes and inadmissible claim of independence -- the me, I am sorry and beg pardon for it--it is not king's commissioners think fit io declare that they my intention to offend any individual, especially are equally desirous to conter with his majesty's the supreme authority. But, sir, I scurce think well affcted subjects upon the means of res:oring the moment is at hand, for the ratification of a con- the public tranquiliiy, and establishing a permis federacy. Rather than adopt the articles before us, nent union with every colony as a pari of the British I would yet a little longer trust to the ties that empire. The king being most graciously pleased now bind America in union. The American con

to direct a revision of such of ois royal instructions federacy should be the effect of wisdom, not of to his governors as may be construeil on lay an im. fear—an act of deliberation, not of hurry. It should proper restraint on the freedom of legislation in be a noble monument attracting the respect of the any of his colonies, and to concur in the revisal world-and capable of drawing forth the admira. Of all acts by which his majesiy's subjects there tion and gratitude of our posterity.- Upon the may think themselves aggriever, it is recommend. whole, sir, this is scarce a time to deliberate, but ed to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously it is certainly a time 10 act—it is my great aim, upon their present condition and expectations, and that America shall be independent--free-illustri- judge for therr.selves, whether it be more consistent ous and happy!

vith their honor and happiness to offer up their I cannot now, sir, sit down withont expressing lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious to the committee, the concern I feel for having

cause in which they are eng ged, or return lo thcir taken up so much of their time as I have. I am allegiance, accept the blessings of peice, and to sensible long discourses are often heard with iro. be secured in a free enjoyment of t'u ir liberties patience: But the stupendous importance of this and properties upon the true principles of the con.

titution. subject, and my zeal in endeavoring to discharge my duly, will I hope plead in my favor. I beg

“Given at New York, 19th September, 1776. leave to return my most respectful thanks, for the

"HOWE. attention and patience with which I bave been

“W HOWE. heard.

"By command of their excellencies, STRAGHEY."

And now, not to detain your excellencies by Address

making observations upon lord Howe's not assilin. To their excellencies Rickard Viscount Howe, ad-ing his military titls, displaying the nature of his

miral, and William Howe, esq. general, of his supreme linutile command in America, by which Britannic majesty's forces in America.

lenus:ial and designed omission, the ignorant, seeing liis name contrasted with that of a general clothed; woncur in the revisal of all acts by which his main all his terrors, may be entrapped to believe that ljesty's subjects may think themselves aggrieved.” his lorddship is to be considered in a more amiable But what of all this. Your excellencies bave not point of view, a mere commissioner only, for re. told the people, who "think themselves aggrieved,” storing peace,

without any military command to that they are to be a party in the revision. You intimidate and coerce. Not to wound your delicacy, have not even told them wbo are to be revisors. If by adiniring the wisdom of your appealing from you had, it would be nothing to the purpose; for the congress to people confessed by you to be you have not, and cannot tell them and engage that directed by that honorable assembly: My remarks even any of the instructions and acts, being revised, shall be confined to the more material parts of shall be revoked, and repealed; particularly those by your declaration, which, I am sorry to say, are in which people "may think themselves aggrieved.” every respect unworthy your good sense and high But, if such are not to be repealed, why have you characters.

mentioned think themgelves aggrieveil?If they Your excellencies "think fit to declare,” that are intended to be repealed, wliy did not your you are desirous "of restoring the public tran- excellencies come to the point at once and say so? Guility." Bit is the end your excellencies aim-It is evident your excellencies are hy your $uat our lionor and advantage? Is it to give a free periors precipitated into a uileroma. You have not scuipe

tó oir natural growth? Is it to confirm to been accustomed to dirty jobs, and plain dealing us our rights by the law of nature? No!--- It is to does not accord with your instructions; otherwise, cover us with infamy. It is to chill the sap, and in the latter case, I think you are men of too much check the luxuriance of our imperial plant. It is sense and honor to have overlooked or suppressed to deprive us of our natural equality with the rest so material a point of information. However, you of niankind, by “establishing" every state "as a part say instructions and acts are to be revised: We of the Britis! empire." In short, your excellencies see that you have laid an ambuscade for our li. invite men of common sense, to exchange an inde. berties; the clause is carefully constructed without pendent slation for a servile and dangerous de. the least allusion to the revisors, or to the words pendence!..But, when wc recollect that the king redress, revoke, repeal. In short, it appears to be of Great Britain lias, from the throne, declared his drawn up entirely on the plan of a declaration by

firin and stedfast resolutions to withstand every king James the second after his abdication, as xtiempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority confidentially explained by James' secretary of of that legislature over all the dominions of his state, the earl of Melford, to lord Dundee in Scot. crown:" that his lirelings in parliament and tools land. For Melford writes to Dundee, “that notin office, abborred by the English nation, bave withstanding of what was promised in the declara. echoed the sentiment; and that America, for ten tion, indemnity and indulgence, yet he had couched

cars lias experienced that king's total want of things so that the king would break them when he candor, humanity, and justice-it is, I confese, pleased; nor would he think himself obliged to inatter of wonder, that your excellencies can submit stand to them.” And your excellencies have "couched to appear so lost to decency as to hold out sub. things 80," that more words upon this subject are jection as the only condition of peace: and that unnecessary. you could condescend to sully your personal honor,

"It is recommended to the inhabitants at large, by inviting us to trust a government in which you are conscious we cannot in the nature of things

to reflect seriously upon their present condition.”

Is it possible your excellencies can be serious, and place any ésafidence...d government that you are sensible has been, now is, and ever must be jealous

mean any thing by this recommendation? Can you of our prosperity and natural growth---| govern

be ignorant, that ever since the birth of the stamp. ment that you know is absolutely abandoned to act

, the inhabitants at large have been reflecting

upon their deplorable condition? Can you have an corruption!--Take it not amiss, if I hint to your

idea that, after such a length of time, during which excellencies, that your very appearing in support

they have been continually kept to their reflecof such a proposal, furnishes cause to doubt even

tions, by the declaratory law, the tea.act, the Bos. of your integrity; and 10 reject your allurements,

ton port bill, and those then passed to annihilate least they decoy us into slavery.

the charter of Massachusetts.Bay, the Quebec bill The declaratioa says, “the king is most graci- 'o establish popery, the fishery.bill to coerce by ously pleased to direct a revision of such of his famine, the British commencement of the late civil sojal insiructions to his governors,” &c. "and to'war, and the act of parliament in December last,

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declaring the inhabitants rebels--I say, after such an order of battle, within loag shot, without firing a series of causes for reflection, and tha: your excel- gun to interrupt the service, is at least some slight lencies not find us in arms against you, determined legree of evidence that they respect and stand in on independence or death, can you possibly enter awe of the American arms. In short, without being tain an isles that we have not reflected seriously? (unreasonable, I think I may be allowed to say, that On the contrary you know, that we are prepared to bese particulars do not shew, that our cause is so offer up our lives in evidence of our serious reflec. precarious as your excellencies would insinuate it tioas! In addressing a world, you ought to have to be; and to recommend that your excellencies some attention to the propriety of your recors "reflect seriously upon your present condition," mendations, if only from a regard to your own re- and abandon "the unjust cause in which you are putation

engaged” while you yet may preserve your reputa

tion from the reproaches of posterity. You are pleased to term our caase "unjust." In

Your excellencies call upon the inhabitants at this there is nothing so surprising, as your being large "to return to their allegiance.” It is as if lured to give such a sentiment under your hands

you had commanded a body of troops to advance signing your own disgrace with posterity. You

to the assault, before you had put them in order of know, that the virtuous cbaracters throughout battle. I tell your excellencies, that protection Europe, on this point differ with your excellencies;

must precede allegiance; for the latter is founded on and I most respecífully submit, whether there is the benefit of the former. That the operations of not sone little degree of presumption in your he forces by sea and land under your orders, signing an opinion, in contradiction to the opinion demonstrate that your king is not our protector. of thousands, who, without derogating from your And, that the allegiance of America to the king excellencies, are at least as well able to judge up of Great Britain is now utterly out of the question. on the point as you are?

But you attempt to allure the inhabitants by But you add, that our cause is "precarious." telling them they may "be secured in a free enjoy. Allow me to make a proper return to your excel ment of their liberties and properties, upon the lencies by informing you, that all the affairs of true principles of the constitution.” Will your men are precarious, and that war is particularly excellencies tell us where those principles are to

However, if your excellencies meant ic be found? You must say they are not to be found insinuate that our cause is precarious from an in the present British government. Do we not inability in us to maintain it, I beg leave to ask ge. know that the majority of the two houses of parlia. deral Howe what progress his arms made during ment are absolutely under the king of Great Bri. his command at Boston: And what shining victories, tain's direction?-They make and repeal laws; they and important conquests you have achieved since agree with or reject motions; they vote money eden your junction at Staten-island? The eulogium, without limitation of sum, at the pleasure of that duo fulmina belli

king's minister, in whose pay they actually are; Scipradas

and your excellencies as men of honor darc not cannot yet be applied to your excellencies. Gene deny these things. Will you then say that, where ral Howe's repulse from the lines on Long-island, there is such a dependence, the true principles of and his victory over the advanced guard of 3000 the constitution operate! The history of the premen, reflect no great degree of glory on the corps sent reign, all Europe, would witness against you. of at least 12,000 that he commanded. Nor can Those principles have been long despised by the you boast much of the action on New-York-island rulers, and lost to the people-otherwise, even at on the 15th September, when a few more than 800 the coinmencement of the present reign, we should Americans, attacking three companies of ligh: not have seen the dismission of the virtuous troops supported by two regiments, the one Scotch, chancellor of the exchequer, LEDGE, because he the other Hessian, drove them from hill to hill back would not quit his seat in parliament at the instigato your lines, and carried off three pieces of brags tion of the lust prince of Wales; nor the massacre Cannon as trophies of their victory. And when in St. George's fields and the royal thanks to the general Washington, on the second of O:tober, assassins; nor the repeated and unredressed comcaused a large detachment to draw up to Harlaem plaints to the throne; nor the unheard of profusion plains to cover the inhabitants between the two of the public treasure, far exceeding the extrava. armies, while they carried off their effects, the gance of a Caligula or a Nero; nor the present ruinous march and continuance of the British troops in situation of Great Britain; nor the present war in

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