confession and absolution, and the prince dies in peace, and, such the stupifying effect of a habitual obedience to despotism, amidst the unfeigned sighs and regrets of his people: and his successor stands ready to follow him in his life and in his death. It is as much better that a prince should be bred by thieves than by monks, as it is less fatal to his people that he should have perverted morals than a perverted understanding.

If, for argument's sake, we admit the new system to have failed upon the experiment, who has conversed with general history to so little purpose as not to discover, that almost all the known forms, from the first assemblings into communities and nations, have failed also, unless man was made to be oppressed, and that the ends of his creation are best answered, “when,” as a celebrated writer says is the case, "the laws which regulate the political order have doomed the one half of mankind to indigence, to fraud, to ser vility, to ignorance, and superstition; and the other half to be the slaves of all the follies and vices which result from the insolence of rank, and the selfishness of opulence?"

"Can any good come out of Nazareth?" was once mistakenly ask ed; and our judgments are constantly duped by our prejudices or our sensibilities. He who, in the middle of the seventeenth century, had viewed with the natural emotions of contempt and detestation an English parliament, so much made up of ignorance and brutality, the pulpits engrossed by an absurd fanaticism, an army dominating over the legislature, and the sovereign led to the scaffold against the general sense of the nation, and fantastic ideas of government universally prevailing, would with difficulty have admitted the possibility of any good to arise out of such compounded evil.* And it is true, that to this

* But after a hurricane has past over, we have something more to do than to count the wrecks of ships, or the de

disorderly period is England indebted to the perfecting of her constitution. No entire scheme of improvement was then supplied; but the practical principles of a free government, which were then first conceived, were remembered, and, at a more temperate season, interwoven into her system; whilst the accompanying dreams and speculations of anarchy were soon abandoned or lost. So true it is, that in government, as well as in science, of whatever is offered to the understanding, it is the rational and the useful part generally that will ultimately remain. That which in the language of loyalty was degraded to an impious rebellion, furnished out the best materials for a "glorious revolution."

But France, with all her intemperate conduct, has temperately systematised. She stands upon the genuine ground of representation, and exhibits many of the essential principles of good government. And truly there is little in her constitution offensive to sober sense. Her intermediate electoral assemblies is a real stumbling block to the deceitful ambition of popular parasites, and, as a check to the dangerous impetus of the multitude, is, perhaps, the only expedient to reconcile the steadiness and consistency of the republican administration with the continuance of its form.

But if, struck with the show of present evils, we are willing to surrender the chances of any future good to come out of the new French system, as constructed upon improved principles, and to suffer the up-hill labour of the revolution to roll down again like the stone of Sisyphus, it ought certainly to be for the sake of some great immediate good. But would the falling back to monarchy further any of the purposes of humanity, for which it is chiefly wish

struction of barns. We have to consider whether the storm has not purified the sky, changed a deleterious atmosphere, or produced a better vegetation.

ed? Would blood and proscription instantly cease? No; not until banishment, confiscation, and the scaffold should, in the opinion of the restorers, expiate all republican of fences. This would only be for murder and mischief to change hands.

But would the monarchy, supposed to be so refined, suffer any relaxation of the security of its ancient maxims and principles? Rather would it not be reinforced by all such of the provisions of despotism, as would for ever check the slightest movements towards a state of liberty. Indeed this would be its safest conduct; for where despotism is the end, the more there is of it, the greater the insensibility to it. To reconcile slavery to its condition, it must be made worse and not better. Any improvement, bringing with it such lights of the understanding, would give but a clearer discernment of the yet immense distance between its most meliorated state and that of freedom.

In this view of things, France would only fly from evils in possession, to those in expectancy, ay, in certainty, as great in the mass, and longer in the duration. What then is to be gained by a countermarch to monarchy, which some men of inconsiderate goodness would consent to? Would it not be wiser to suffer the republic to proceed, and in any reasonable time to work off its own feculence, and in its own manner to purge itself of its vices and its disorders, without reverting to the corrosive remedy of arbitrary power, seeing that the backward journey to a settled tranquillity would be larger and rougher than the forward, and experiencing, that though the physical diseases may often be abandoned to despair, the moral always yield to the alteratives of good laws?

Further, from this great experiment made upon the principles of freedom, if abortive, and perhaps so from not being permitted to proceed, will not the principles be

more effectually banished from the greater part of Europe, where they are, indeed, scarcely found but in speculation? Will they not be reprobated by the joint voice of the civilians and statesmen there; be condemned as unsuited to the nature and condition of man, and persecuted accordingly; Locke and Sydney be remembered but as dange rous heresiarchs in the science of government; and all literature, following the fashion of the times, put on the livery of despotism; which more than ever would be the rule of power? England itself seems already disposed to an encreasing reverence of kingly domination and lordly greatness.

The foregoing are considerations for the friends of free government of whatever country; there are others, that address themselves with peculiar force to those of our own.

The half principles of freedom our ancestors brought with them from the mother country, expanded to full size under their descendants, and made the fundamental of our government, have been our happiness and our safety; and they would have been our glory too, if, carried back in their perfected state beyond the Atlantic, they could be suffered to take root in a great and powerful nation. It should be with reluctance that we forego a hope so flattering to our honest pride.

It is a matter also of serious concern, how America would be affected by such a winding up of the present European scene. Without the countenance or support of any other country, she would stand alone in maintaining the outcast opinions of the ancient world. Her example in strict republicanism, though suc. cessful, would not save the principles from the general odium and reproach to our position on the globe, or to something peculiar in the American character, might our preservation under them be ascribed, and their natural malignancy still believed in, as there would be no question about the

consuming nature of fire, though in it a salamander should live, or the asbestos be indestructible.

Already is our country looked on with an evil eye by all the despots of the other hemisphere, as having furnished the immediate spark which lighted up the destructive fires of France. A universal combination amongst them of opinion, a harmony as it were of prejudice, would thus prevail against her, though there might not be any very dangerous union of force.

Every great and respectable people thus adverse to us in principle and practice, is there no danger that we might begin to distrust the soundness of our own political tenets, for which we contended so much and so long, and suffer them in the end to grow out of fashion, and be laid aside?

These are some of the general and particular considerations which might influence an American citizen on this subject. Consistently

enough with his own principles, he might contemplate without dissatisfaction such reverses or failures in the fortune of the French people as might bring them to a just sense of themselves, correct general vice, or retribute national or individual offences; but it would not consist with these principles to assist, even with a wish, the designs of those who would overthrow their republic: an event bringing with it, for transient and local calamities, evils as great in their measure, co-extensive with the civilized world, and durable with ages.

The wise man in holy writ, conceiving such a sameness in human nature, has said there was nothing new under the sun. Even the French revolution is not such a unique in character as to be altogether without its resemblances: similar causes in the Roman story once produced some of the like effects, as may be seen in the compa rison of some circumstances.

Rome.

The crimes of royalty producing the total abolition of the monarchy, and the establishment of a republic.

The emigration of nobles adhering to the deposed king Tarquin, followed by the confiscation of their estates, and "every Roman who should by word or deed endeavour to restore him devoted by religious ceremonies to the infernal gods."

Tarquin going about, collecting the neighbouring nations, to unite their forces for his restoration.

The general combination of the neighbouring states against republican Rome.

The attempt of Sevola to assasinate the king Porrenna, engaged in the cause against the republic; and the story of the three hundred young Romans sworn to take his life, celebrated by all their historians.

The decree of Poplicola making it lawful to kill without condemna

France.

The weakness and extravagance of the kings bringing about the overthrow of the monarchy, and the establishment of the republic.

The emigration of many of the French nobility, adherents of Louis XVI, and confiscation of their estates; their perpetual banishment decreed, under pain of death.

Louis sending his agents Breteuil, and Mallet du Pan, to the German powers, to engage their support.

The concert of princes against republican France.

John de Brie's project of embodying a set of men, for the purpose of murdering all the sovereigns of Europe; this not agreed to.

The sacred duty of insurrection against any government that should

5

Rome.

tion, any who should aim at being master of the public liberty.

The republican spirit not so universal as to be without exceptions; the remembrance of the pleasures under the monarchy inciting many of the young men, and among them the two sons of Brutus, to a conspiracy for the restoration of Tarquin.

The ferocious patriotism of the revolutionists exemplified in the instance of the elder Brutus, in the easy sacrifice he made of his two sons, on the altar of liberty.

France finding in the Roman his tory some parallel in the conduct of the revolution, may also find, in its own history, some parallel in the principles.

John II, forced by the pressure of the war with Edward III of England, assembled the states-general of the kingdom, in 1355.

The first act of this assembly was to render the assent of the three orders necessary to every law.

[The historian remarks from this preliminary the high credit at this period of the tiers etat.]

In voting an army, they fixed its force, and made the taxes for its maintenance so general, as to include in them the king and his family.

The states reserved to themselves the appointment of all officers employed in levying and applying the the tax, which the king and his council reluctantly consented to.

The king engaged not to divert the application of the tax from its proper object: if attempted, the officers are under oath to prevent it. The tax but for one year; the assembly to convene the next.

The king surrenders the right of false coinage.

For himself, his family, and court, the king renounces the privileges of taking corn, wine, victuals, horses,

France.

threaten the public liberty; taught in the second constitution, but dropt with that constitution.

The attempt at counter-revolution, made by the partizans of the old French court, regretting, probably, the loss of its manners, pleasures, and luxuries.

The unnatural denunciation, in France, of sons by their fathers, and of fathers by their sons, on account of political opinions and conduct.

carriages. On a journey he can only require of the magistrate certain necessaries, as tables, chairs, straw, beds, hay, &c., paying the just price. Offences in this case punishable as robbery, and fourfold restitution made.

[This article, says the historian, exposes the former vexations in the practice of the right of purveyance.]

The king not to make forced loans. Creditors forbid to assign their debts to more powerful people, or to privileged officers, on pain of forfeiture.

The ordinary judges are to be left in possession of their jurisdictions, and extraordinary commissions forbidden. Rangers of forests, &c., to lose their cognizance in matters of hunting, fishing, &c. Sergens (bailiffs) not to exact beyond their fixed salaries; nor to take several days' pay for executions served in one; nor to make deputies.

The assembly confirms a former law concerning labourers. They forbid all traffic to counsellors of parliament, and to a large description of persons.

The king, in future, to forbear calling on the arriere ban, but on evident necessity, and on advice of the orders, that is, the states-general.

Severe regulations made concern.

ing false musters; princes of the blood not exempt from them.

Troops on march not to halt more than one day at any place, and officers to answer for the conduct of their soldiers. The king to conclude neither peace nor truce but on advice of deputies chosen by the states. In 1356, the states meet again, and re-vote the army.

[The historian observes, that from the contempt into which the body of the French noblesse had fallen, the influence of the tiers etat in this assembly is not to be wondered at.— Histoire de France de Volley, tom. 9.1

John dying, his artful successor, Charles, prevented any further assembling of the states; persecuted or destroyed its leading patriots; the laws restrictive of absolute power were abolished or neglected; and the sense of public liberty was soon lost. [In this way have the rights of man been treated at all times.]

For the Literary Magazine.

RELIGIOUS SINGULARITIES.

THE following account of a religious community in Wales will powerfully remind American readers of Jemima Wilkinson and her establishment, or the societies of the shakers.

Howel Harris was born at Trevecca, in Wales, in 1714. Having a respectable paternal, estate in reversion, he was designed by his family for the church, and having received the rudiments of a classical education, was entered at St. Mary's Hall, in Oxford; but he did not pursue or perfect those studies at the university, which might have given him rank and character among its members.

When he was about the age of twenty-five, he began his career as an itinerant preacher, sacrificing all views of worldly aggrandizement to what he conceived to be his highest duty. But a total want of

rationality in the pursuit miserably detracted from that approbation, which must otherwise have been extorted even from his opponents, by the unquestionable respectability of the motive. He was the friend of Whitfield, with whom he afterwards quarrelled, and the first importer of the methodistical tenets and discipline into Wales, as Vavassor Powel had been among the first to introduce the earlier and more respected modes of dissent. He actually officiated in the fields; but, after having undergone much persecution, and incurred some danger in his travels, he determined to establish a religious family at Trevecca, adopting it as his own, and devoting to it his patrimonial estates, with all the savings of a parsimoni ous life.

With unaccountable inconsistency, he built a large and costly house, and laid out the grounds in an expensive style. In this house, and on his own estate, he collected a number of families, professing the same religious absorption of mind. He even purchased farms in the neighbourhood, and established manufactories, to as great an extent as his finances would admit, or opportunities presented themselves of laying out his money. The condition he imposed on those who joined his community was, that they should pursue their avocations of husbandry or trade solely for the benefit of the common stock, disclaiming all private property, or interference in the management of the joint capital, renouncing the society of strangers, and adhering punctually to the rigid observances of the family. The institution continued to flourish during his lifetime in almost a formidable degree. Their farms entirely supplied their numerous families dispersed over the estates; for the mansion-house was occupied by his own family and closer intimates. There was besides a large surplus for the markets; since their inflexible sobriety was considered to have the effect of making them good farmers, though the business was much