A.D. 1505.

Annota- then

tions on the New

Testament,'

CHAP. IV. of the titlepage; but such as these he reminded of the advice of Aristophanes: First listen, my friends, and 'then you may shriek and bluster!' He knew, he went on to say, that theologians, who ought to get more good out of the book than any one else, would raise the greatest tumult against it; that they would resent as a sacrilegious infringement of their own sacred province, any interference of Valla, the grammarian, with the sacred text of the Scriptures. But he boldly vindicated the right and the necessity of a fair criticism, as in many passages the Vulgate was manifestly at fault, was a bad rendering of the original Greek, or had itself been corrupted. If anyone should reply that the theologian is above the laws of grammar, and that the work of interpretation depends solely upon inspiration, this were, he said, indeed to claim a new dignity for divines. Were they alone to be allowed to Correction indulge in bad grammar? He quoted from Jerome to show that he claimed no inspiration for the translator; and asked what would have been the use of Jerome's giving directions for the translation of Holy Scripture if the power of translating depended upon inspiration. Again, how was it that Paul was evidently so much more at home in Hebrew than in Greek? Finally he urged, if there be errors in the Vulgate, is it not lawful to correct them? Many indeed he knew would object to change any word in the Bible, because they fancy that in every letter is hid some mystic meaning. Suppose that it were so, would it not be all the more needful that the exact original text should be restored ? 1

of the text of Scrip

ture.

1 This letter was republished in | 4; and see also Eras. Op. iii. Epist. the edition of some letters of Eras

mus printed at Basle, 1521, p. 221,

ciii.

This was a bold public beginning of that work of CHAP. IV. Biblical criticism to which Colet's example so power- A.D. 1505. fully urged Erasmus.

The edition of Valla's Annotations,' with this letter

prefixed to it, was published at Paris in 1505, while he was busily engaged in bringing out the second edition. of the 'Adagia.' And it would seem that he only

waited for the completion of these works before again crossing the Straits to pay another visit to his English friends.

CHAPTER V.

I. SECOND VISIT OF ERASMUS TO ENGLAND (1505-6).

CHAP. V. TOWARDS the close of 1505, Erasmus arrived in EngA.D. 1505. land, to renew his intimacy with his English friends.1 He had not this time to visit Oxford in order to meet them. Colet, Grocyn, Linacre, More, and his friend Lilly, all were ready to receive him with open arms in London. He seems, for a time at least, to have been More's guest.

Erasmus again is More's guest.

More's wife.

Since Erasmus had last seen him, the youth had matured into the man. He had passed through much discipline and mental struggle. But his grey eye sparkled still with native wit, and a hasty glance round his rooms was enough to assure his old friend that his tastes were what they used to be-that in heart and mind, in spite of all that had befallen him, he was the same high-toned and happy-hearted soul he always had been.

More's young and gentle wife, fresh from the retirement of her father's country home, was too uncultured to attract much notice from the learned foreigner; but he tells us More had purposely chosen

1 Letter to Fox, Bishop of Winchester. London, Cal. Jan. 1506. Eras. Op. i. p. 214.

2 Erasmus's letter to Botzhem, Catalogus, &c. Basle, 1523, leaf b, 3.

a wife whom he could mould to his own liking for CHAP. V. a life companion. Both were young, and she was apt A.D. 1505. to learn. Whilst, therefore, he himself found time to devote to his favourite Greek books and his lyre, he was imparting by degrees to her his own fondness for literature and music.1

epigrams.

Erasmus found him writing Latin epigrams and More's verses, in which the pent-up bitter thoughts of the past year or two were making their escape. Some were on priests and monks-sharp biting satires on their evil side, and by no means showing abject faith in monkhood.2

Nor was he courting back again the favour of offended royalty by melodious and repentant whinings. Rather his pen gave vent to the chafed and untamed spirit of the man who knew he had done his duty, and was un

1 Eras. Op. iii. p. 475, D.

2 The epigrams have no dates, and it is impossible, therefore, to say positively which of them were written during this period. The following translation of one of them from Cayley's Life of Sir Thomas More, vol. i. p. 270 (with this reservation as to its date), may be taken as a sample:

A squall arose; the vessel's tossed; The sailors fear their lives are lost. 'Our sins, our sins,' dismayed they

cry,

One sailor, keener than the rest,
Cries, 'With our sins she's still
oppress'd;

Heave out that monk, who bears
them all,

And then full well she'll ride the
squall.'

So said, so done; with one accord
They threw the caitiff overboard.
And now the bark before the gale
Scuds with light hull and easy sail.

Learn hence the weight of sin to
know,

'Have wrought this fatal destiny!' With which a ship could scarcely

A monk it chanced was of the crew,
And round him to confess they

drew.

Yet still the restless ship is tossed,

And still they fear their lives are lost.

go.

[For the Latin, see Epigrammata Thoma Mori, Basilæ, 1520, pp. 72, 73.]

CHAP. V. justly suffering for it. His unrelenting hatred of the A.D. 1505. king's avarice and tyranny may be read in the very headings of his epigrams.'

Translations from Lucian.

Fascina

tion of Erasmus for More.

Erasmus joined More in his studies.2 He was translating into Latin some of Lucian's Dialogues and his 'Declamatio pro Tyrannicidâ.' At More's suggestion they both wrote a full answer to Lucian's arguments in favour of tyrannicide, imitating Lucian's style as nearly as possible; and Erasmus, in sending a copy of these essays to a friend, spoke of More in terms which show how fully he had again yielded to the fascination and endearing charms of his character. As he had once spoken of the youth, so now he spoke of the man. Never, he thought, had nature united so fully in one mind so many of the qualities of genius-the keenest insight, the readiest wit, the most convincing eloquence, the most engaging manners-he possessed, he said, every quality required to make a perfect advocate.3

Such a man, with fair play and opportunity, was sure to rise into distinction. But as yet he must bide his time, waiting for the day when he could pursue his proper calling at the bar without risk of incurring royal displeasure.