terms, a feries of objections, that amounted, in his estimation, to an unanswerable argument against the Court's agreeing to put their hands into the purfe of the Eaft India proprietors, (many of whom were ab fent) under the pretence of patriotifm, and probably for no wife or good purpofe, but merely to anfwer the private views of particular individuals, connected with the members of Adminiftration. Among other appeals to the juftice of all present, Mr. Collins reminded the Court, that public patriotifm ought not to be made the inftrument of private injustice, that there were a number of proprietors, widows and children, over whofe property they had no right to exercise do minion; to force them to part with a proportion of their property, under the femblance of fupporting the intended measure, was to rob the fatherlefs and defenceless; but even without that argument, he called on the Court of Directors, who voted as trustees for the Company, to demonftrate clearly and fatisfactorily, that they could afford to give this affiftance, without endangering the reduction of their dividend. The war, he faid, was an unfortunate and ruinous war, it behoved the Court, therefore, not to hazard a reduction of the dividend, in pursuit of an arduous, an expenfive, and to all appearance, an impracticable object. Nor could he fee any reason why the East India Company fhould take the lead in addreffing the Crown upon new grounds, and come forward with an offer, which they neither perhaps had a right to make, nor the power to fulfill when made. Much had been faid -in the last Court, to excite them to this measure, by quoting the fums of money voted in various parts of the kingdom, to fupport the war; for his part, he conceived the example tended rather to check, than excite their prefent efforts. He faid that through the whole kingdom, the fums subscribed, did not exceed 250,000l. He ftated calculations to fhew, that this dividend, among the inhabitants, did not exceed Two Shillings per head, a fmall proof of the zeal with which the war was viewed by the inhabitants at large. In fupport of the propofed Addrefs, he obferved it had been stated that Addreffes had been poured in from all parts of the kingdom, to the Throne; Addreffes there had been certainly fome few in number, but these were rather confined to congratulations upon the victory fo gloriously atchieved by Lord Howe, than extended to the broad question of war or peace? Addicted to no party, member of no club, and never having belonged to any political fociety in his life, he said, he was neither to be cajoled into an affent of what his confcience difapproved, nor deterred from delivering his fentiments where he was fo nearly concerned, as he felt himself upon the prefent occafion; his great anxiety was, that while we were reclaiming the violence of others, he might not have to complain that his private property, and that of the other proprietors, was put in a state of requifition, in order to answer fome political purpose, that was carefully concealed.'

Mr. C. was anfwered by Mr. Lufhington; from whose impreffive fpeech we fhall felect a striking paffage:

Sir, the Powers of Europe have been under the unfortunate delufion, that France, in her distracted ftate, could not be formidable, but the certainly is fo, beyond the example of former times. Her power is founded on circumftances, which we, in the fame cafe, fhould

deplore

deplore as publick calamities. The deftruction of commerce, the annihilation of manufactures, and the fufpenfion of every branch of domestick induftry, excepting what are neceffary for the production of the first neceffaries of life, and the effential requifites for war. These are the fources, Sir, which fupply the effective ftrength, and all the collateral aids of that powerful military mafs, which threatens deftruction to all the regular governments of Europe; but this military mafs, Sir, the production of publick misfortune, the defperate, but powerful effort of internal distraction, must be opposed and refitted by a principle of action, equally prompt and effective, or the forum of modern Rome, will dictate the terms of existence to mankind in every quarter of Europe. The French nation, Sir, are excited either by the frenzy of popular ambition, or a fpirit of rapacity, natural to a country fo lately enriched by the gifts of fortune, but now im-> poverished by the ravages of internal distraction. In either cafe, the motive of action is powerful, and France must be repreffed by strong and timely exertion, or the liberties of Britain and of Europe will be fubject to the tyrannical rule of a wild democracy. The general with, Sir, is for peace, but the finews of war must be invigorated, before we can expect a fafe and reasonable peace. A propofition for peace fhould be preceded by fome fignal advantage; repeated miffortunes preclude all hope of reafonable accommodation. In fuch fituations, nations do not negociate, but beg a peace. An earnest and unanimous declaration from the country, to fupport the Government in the profecution of the war, would have more effect to difpofe the enemy to a reasonable pacification, than the total defeat of their principal armies. If this pofition be true, is it poffible that men of property and reflection, or that the numerous claffes of industry, who in their respective arts and capitals in trade and manufacture have (to them) an important stake in the events of the war, (for they all have comfort and competency): is it poffible, I fay, Sir, that they should for a moment hesitate to make the most decided declarations that they will fupport the Government with their lives and fortunes, in the profecution of the war; for they may reft affured that this is the molt effectual, and the only means to obtain a speedy, fafe, and reasonable peace?

But, Sir, if fome general and vigorous measure of this fort be not speedily purfued, what will be our fituation? I clearly forefee that after making our laft weak and infufficient effort, for weak it must be (because if manly and powerful, fuch as this country has been and is fill capable of, the cafe could never happen), we fhall be reduced to the dreadful neceflity of entreating peace at the bar of the French Convention by a National ambaffador, and that ambaffador perhaps a Royal one, carrying with him, and leaving at the bar of that Convention, all the character, all the dignity, and all the fortune of this Ifland. Examples of this, Sir, we find in the History of that Nation, whom they refpect as a proper model for their own. I am fure, my countrymen cannot think on fuch an event, without feeling the strongest incitement to indignation, without inftantly refolving to make every exertion to avert a ftate of fuch difafter and difgrace. To fuppofe them indifferent, is to fuppofe, that they no longer poffefs

that

that fpirited and manly character which diftinguished their ancestors, and made them triumph over France in every itate of society.'

It is scarcely necessary to add that the Addrefs was carried. The debate does honour to the skill of the fpeakers, and is probably published in order to stimulate other addresses in behalf of war. Quis Deus tam fæva incendia Teucris avertit?

AGRICULTURE.

Art. 33. Plain and ufeful Inftructions to Farmers; or an improved Method of Management of Arable Land; with fome Hints upon Drainage, Fences, and the Improvement of Turnpike and Crofs Roads. By Jofeph Hodfkinfon. 8vo. 15. Rivingtons. 1794. Mr. Hodkinton's body of hufbandry has at least one recommenda tion, which many books on the fame fubje&t have not: it is cheap. Rather unfortunately, however, for his fyftem, as he is pleafed to ftyle it, it has been fo long known and practifed, that it is almoft worn out of use:-a great part of the lands of the kingdom being already tired (as it is phrafed) of the rotation of turnips, barley, clover, wheat: fo that our author may be faid to be (in the country way of fpeaking,) a day after the fair: neither are his hints very eligible. The pamphlet is, indeed, in every refpect, literally and figuratively, a petty performance. Nevertheless, we recommend it to gentlemen of landed eftates, as a little thing which is no way improper to be dif tributed among the middle and lower claffes of tenants: it may fet them a-thinking.

PHILOSOPHY and MATHEMATICS. Art. 34. The Conftruction and Ufe of a Thermometer, for fhewing the Extremes of Temperature in the Atmosphere, during the Obferver's Abfence. Together with Experiments on the Variations of Local Heat; and other Meteorological Obfervations. By James Six, Efq. F.R. S. Royal 8vo. pp. 86. 4s. Boards. Wilkie. 1794. The principal part of this pofthumous publication is contained in three papers which were printed in the 72d, 74th, and 78th volumes of the Philofophical Transactions; and pretty full accounts of them will be found in our Review, vol. Ixviii. p. 385, vol. ixxii. p. 256, and vol. lxxix. p. 323; fo that little more concerning them needs be faid in this place. The moft material addition is an appendix; in which, full and very explicit directions are given for making thefe thermometers; and to which we must refer our readers, as no adequate idea can be given of it without the figures which accompany it in the volume.

Art. 35. The Arithmetical and Mathematical Repofitory, being a new improved Syftem of Practical Arithmetic, in all its Branches; defigned for the Ufe of Schools, Academies, and Counting-houses, and alfo for the Benefit of private Perfons who have not the Affift ance of a Teacher. By John Eadon, Author of the Arithmetician's Guide, and Teacher of the Mathematics in the Free Writing and Grammar Schools, Sheffield. Vol. I. 8vo. pp. 392. 6s. Boards. Robinfons. 1794.

*For this purpose they are to be purchased at the rate of 25 guinea.

for a

. This work is to be comprised in four volumes. The one before us is divided into three books: the firft of which treats of the arithmetic of whole numbers, with its application to mercantile business. The fecond contains the principles of vulgar and decimal fractions, the explanation and ufe of logarithms, the extraction of roots, and their application to a variety of fubjects. The third contains rules for calculating the ftrength of timber; the defcription and ufe of the flidingrule; practical geometry; menfuration of fuperfices and folids by the pen and fliding-rule; rules for meafuring itanding timber, and all kinds of artificer's work; the abfolute, relative, and fpecific weight of bodies, copiously exemplified. Alfo, a variety of questions on subjects ufeful, inftructing, and entertaining.

The author remarks that the ufe of arithmetic is fo univerfal, that it is no wonder that fo many efforts are made to further its improvement; and he begs leave to offer himself a candidate for a share of the praise due to fuch endeavours; having, he humbly hopes, made confiderable improvements, both in matter and arrangement, on the many useful treatises already extant. He obferves farther, that Every raven thinks her own brood fair; and therefore, perhaps, all teachers may be partial to their own methods: how far this may be applicable to him, he is willing to leave to the judgment of an impartial public. We are inclined to think that the innuendo may be applicable to him, in fome degree: but we wish him to remember that merit is feldom unaccompanied by modefty.

DOCTRINE of TITHES. Art. 36. Tithes politically, judicially, and jufly confidered. Addreffed to the Clergy of the Univerfity of Cambridge; with Strictures upon the Farnham Hop-bill; in which the Neceffity of a general Commutation of Tithes is demonftrated, Modes of Commutation are propofed, and the proper Meafures pointed out for obtaining fuch as may meet the Public Will. By a Pluralift. 8vo. pp. 185. 4s. Boards. Marfom, &c. 1794.

This zealous advocate for the claims of the church thus explains his motive for addreffing the public on the subject of tithes, in his dedication to the Univerfity of Cambridge: he begs them to accept the teftimony of an unbiaffed individual; of one who has long fought the hard fights of equity, has combated in the cruel contefts of law, and fpeaks from fore experience.'

On the national utility of the clergy, as an important part of the conftitution, our pluralift has much to fay; and many of his arguments are no doubt irrefragable. On the fmallness of their incomes, and the cruelty of taxing their little revenues, he warmly expatiates. Taxing the clergy for their tithes,' he fays, is an attempt to difhonour the Deity.On this reprefentation of the matter, fomething may poffibly be urged by thofe who do not fee it in exactly the fame light-but we are not, at prefent, inclined to interpofe, in a conteft of fo much delicacy.

The fubject of tithes is undoubtedly of the first importance in the political economy of this country; and the public are fortunate in having it brought forward with fo much promptitude, by a clergyman

of the Established Church; who advises his brethren, at large, to accompany the gentlemen of the fouth-western counties, in their meditated petition to parliament, for an equitable commutation of tithes; and who himself offers propofals for that purpofe.

His plan of commutation is divided into two parts; though in effec it is three-fold:

1. To draw the church revenue, under propofed regulations, from the fame fources which fupport it at present.

2. To levy it on property in general.

3. Government to take to itself the property of the church, and to pay adequate ftipends out of the national revenue.

The fecond and third proposals amount nearly to one and the fame thing, viz. Laying the burthen equally on thofe for whofe benefit it is understood to be impofed :-a liberal, ample, and firm bafis.-His fecond plan he includes in the clofe of his first; and he observes, P. 174:

Thus far has this work proceeded upon the principle of drawing the church-revenue from the fame fources which fupport it at prefent. It is contended by many, and indeed upon the ground of right, that an univerfal reform ought to take place; not only a reform in the manner of paying tithes, but also, a change in the perfons by whom they shall be paid; that no inhabitant of our country can justly refufe to contribute to the maintenance of the national church, because it is an eftablishment, not indeed fo much for an ecclefiaftical, as a civil purpofe; an establishment, like all other public appointments,-for the general fervice of the state. Do not the trader and the ftock-holder, it is asked, owe as much to the bounty of heaven and the protection of the ftate, and are they not full as able to contribute to the exigencies of the one, and to evince their gratitude to the other, as the poor and laborious farmer?

The more equal the contribution is levied, the less it will be felt. A national church must be fupported by fome means: now, as it is eftablished for the benefit of all, all ought to contribute to its fupport. What it is the duty of all to perform, it is both abfurd and impolitic to compel a part to accomplish. And where is the expediency,-to fay nothing of the juftice,-of extorting the church-revenue from the diurnal toil of ruftick induftry, while the wealthy ftock-holder (comparatively an afelefs member of fociety) beftows nothing from his abundance ?

The peculiar partiality of this tax has of late been clearly perceived by the people. The fame objection certainly lies against the poor-rates, and land-tax; of which in general the merchants and manufacturers are the firft caufe, giving birth to a burden, which they leave others to fupport. But it is to be observed that these levies do, at leaft nominally, extend to the flocks of trade; although, for want of a fpecified mode of computing the value of fuch property, it is not made contributory. And such is the confequent weight of these taxes, that,

To this part of the fcheme, it is eafy to forefee, many objec tions will be made; and thofe of no inconfiderable weight.

unlefs