buftle and activity of her reign; the ufetul establishinents that were formed, the magnific nt works that were executed; the number of men of fcience and of gentus, which appeared at that period; all contribute to dazzle the mind, and perfuade us that France had then reached the fummit of power and glory. But the fact is, that the has now more real ftrength and power than when under the dominion of that monarch.

On this important and alarming truth we wish to fix he attention of every Briton. The enumeration of every circumstance which has contributed to give additional force to the kingdom of France, fince the period alluded to, would far exceed the bounds allotted for this fpecul.tion. A few of the caufes fhall be produced. Trefe, with their obvious effects, will be fufficient to convince the most incredulous, and rouse the most lethargic reader.

I. The commerce of our rival nation has been gradually extending fince the epoch referred to, and has brought along with it an influx of wealth. From this a double advantage is derived: riches, which, in this age, are more than ever the finews of war, are not wanting to the views of ambition, and the number of expert falprs is every day increafed. From this fource fprings another advantage, which France did not formerly poffefs. The lower and middle ranks of life have emerged into confequence, and are no longer considered by the nobility and the mona.ch as objects of contempt, as beings of an inferior fpecies. Their rights and privileges are attended to? they do not now look upon themselves as flaves in a land which they inhabit through neceffity and with regret; but as members of a community, of which they form a refpectable part, and to which they are attached from intereft, from patriot.fm, from every thing that can influence the reafon or paffions of men. In their former abject condition, they may be confidered as an inert mafs, incapable of exertion: or, if at any time fcourged by the rod of power, they were compelled to affume the appearances of activity, and fecond the views of the defpot, fill their and was feeble and reluctant. But now, our rival kingdom has, by this important revolution, made the invaluable acquifition of millions of patriots; who confider her intereft as their own, and who will facrifice every thing in the defence of that parent ftate, in whofe bofom they are protected and cherished This may be termed a creation of strength, of a kind the moft ftable and permanent.

II. Aided by an extended commerce, France has formed a marine, which must strike this nation at once with aftonishment and regret. Nor will our regret be leffened, when we fee her purluing this. object with the wifeft and most indefatigable exertion. Our rulers know, or ought. to know that to rival us on the ocean is now the great aim of the French government; that, in respect of this, every other pursuit is only fecondary; and that a kingdom rich, populous, united, and jealous of our naval glory, muft fucceed in the fatal defign, if not counteracted by a fpirit and wifdom to which the prefent cabinet feem utter ftrangers.

III. The manufacturers of France keep pace with her commerce. The time was, when the endeavour to rival us in the woollen manufacture was treated with ridicule and contempt. The total lofs of the Levant trade, is a melancholy and convincing proof of our mistake: or, if a farther proof is wanting, it is bevond a doubt, that bread cloth of the finest quality equal in every respect to ours, and fold at as low a price, is now produced in France, with this peculiar advantage, that it is not fo flight as English cloth, and therefore preferred in the northern markets. We at prefent treat the attempts at competition in the fabrication of hardware with equal ridicule; and it must be acknowledged, that in this the French have not hitherto fucceeded: the speci mens they have produced are, in every refpect inferior to our Birmingham and Sheffield ware. But their perfeverence in the attempt, the eagerness with which they purfue it, the progrefs they have already made, the encouragement of every kind which is beftowed by government on the undertaking, fhould all teach us to mix trembling with our mirth. Their fuccefs in the woollen trade was, at the commencement, infinitely more unpromifing. The paft fhould inftruct us as to the probabilities of the future. In every thing France is anxious to rival us, and in every thing will the probably fucceed, unlefs a ray from above illuminate our minifters as it did the apoftles of old : but, as this is not likely to happen, we must truft to the spirit and indignation of an injured people, which, we hope will foon banish ignorance and imbecility from the councils of the throne.

We must not endeavour to reft fatisfied with the confolation that an abfolute monarchy, where trade is looked upon with contempt, can never rival a free state in

1748214

com

commerce and manufactures. This argument when applied to France, is exceedingly fallacious. There has been (as we have already obferved) a filent and gradual progrefs in the ftate of that kingdom. of which this nation is not aware. The diffufion of science and philofophy has helped to eradicate the falfe and narrow ideas which formerly prevailed there on that and many other fubjects; and our write s upon government, and the rights of mankind, are perhaps no where more adinired than in France. The confequence of this is, that, though the outward form of government remains, its temper and charafter are changed. A defpotic monarch, an infolent nobility, and a brutal foldiery, no longer rule without controul, over an oppreffed and unhappy nation of the laws, which always exifted, there is in general an equal and impartial execution: the people at large have arrived at political confequence, and feel their weight in the fcale. The body of the nation have become fenfible that they have rights which ought to be maintained, while the king and his minifters are convinced, that on the maintaining them depend the hap pinefs and profperity of the whole. Inftead therefore, of deceiving ourselves with a falle ftate of things, we fhould reflect, that a nation possessed of the advantage juft mentioned, will probably fucceed in every fcheme, whether of a political or commercial nature.

After having confidered the prefent state of the commerce, marine, and manufactures of France; if we caft our eyes on the fituation and extent of that country, whofe numerous ports are washed both by the ocean and Mediterranean; if we reflect that it contains more than twenty-four millions of inhabitants; we ought not furely to be blind to the danger, nor partake of the aftonishment and ftupor of our political watchmen; who, inftead of defcrying danger from the height to which he has been moft wonderfully raised, is ftunned and giddy from the unnatural elevation, and, to fay, no worfe of him, "Feels juft as Nell did when she woke In Lady Loverule's bed." TV. The political confequence of France has only been held up in one point of view. There is another light in which the must be exhibited, that should lead her to be regarded by Britain with a jea lous and a watchful eve:-we had almost faid as an object of terror. But never fhall the hearts of our brave countrymen

receive from us an impreffion of the kind, Should the humiliating day ever arrive, when, in weighing our felves in the balance with France, we fhould give way to pu fillanimous defpondency, every expedient would be in vain, and the fun of Britain be fet for ever. Our defire is only to awaken to roufe, to alarm. As foon as our fellow citizens appear confcicus of their situation, we shall with the utmoft confidence entrust the reft to the fpirit, vigour, and good fenfe of a powerful nation.

Without farther preface, what we have next to obferve is, that the power of France, fuch as we have reprefented it, becomes more dangerous to us, as it is folely directed against the British nation. A ftriking feature in our contests with France, during the reign of Lewis XIV. and long afterwards, is, that we never engaged fingly in the quarrel, and that the depreffion of England was not the primary, the only object of that kingdom. The ftate of things is now totally changed, and to our degradation and deftruction does every fcheme which the undertakes ultimately tend. For this fhe has quitted her favourite idea of continental acquifitions; for this the has raised that univerfal jealoufy of British ambition, the confequences of which we felt fo.feverely laft war; for this, unfubfidized, and to her own difadvantage, did fhe fupport and give fuccefs to American refiftance; for this, are we, by her intrigues, without a friend or ally in Europe, while the herfelf is ftrengthened by alliances with all the leading powers on the continent? and for this has the affifted that ftrange compound of repugnant paffions in our minifter, endeavouring to burft afunder the bonds of mutual amity and affect on, which united the kingdoms of Britain and Ireland.

To this critical fituation we wish to turn the attention of our countrymen: on this we intreat them to dwell with all the attention and folicitude the importance of the fubject demands. The danger is great, and is every day increafing. Our all is at stake. While the rest of Europe stand alooff and behold us as the accurfed thing of the Jews, our Gallic foe looks with exultation on his future prey, and meditates when and where to give the mortal blow. While the ftorm is gathering around, our minifter inattentive to its progrefs, or regardless of confequences, is purfuing measures that will render us every day lefs able to withstand its fury.

PAR

he put fuch ftrange cafes. Having urged this very ftrenuously, and stated different cafes equally productive of difficulty and embarraffment to this country, Mr. Fox faid, an inftance hiftory furnifhed, which ftrengthened the argument he had ufed, and proved beyond all doubt the mischiefs and the danger to which this country was liable to be expofed, by confidering herfelf as wholly independent of the interefts of Hanover; the cafe that he alluded to, was that of George the Ift, who by his treaty with Denmark for the fale of Bremen and Verden, drew down upon him the vengeance of Sweden; and the confequence was, this country had been threatened with an invafion, the most alarming, and the most dangerous to the liberties of Englishmen of any it ever had occafion to expect. General Stanhope, at that time the minister of the crown, had, when the treaty was first heard of, come down to that Houfe and held precifely the fame fort of language that he had heard from the Right Hon. Gentleman the preceding day. He had talked of the feparate and diftinct interefts of Great Britain and Hanover, and had faid the British parliament had nothing to do with the conduct of his Majefty respecting his Electoral dominions; but what was the confequence? The very next year General Stanhope, who had held this language, came down to the House and urged the expences his Majefty had been at on account of his purchase as a plea for calling for additional fupplies. Mr. Fox laid confiderable ftrefs on this argument, and faid, for ought they knew, if the matter was not fully and clearly afcertained, fo that foreign powers, as well as that Houfe, might be certain that Great Britain was not committed as to any part her policy might dictate to her as moft advifable to purfue hereafter, in cafe of a war in Germany, the Right Hon. Gentleman who had the preceding day disclaimed all refponfibility for the wifdom and policy of the meafute in queftion, might come down to the Houfe on a fubfequent occafion, and make that very measure, refpecting which the British parliament was precluded all enquiry and controul, the ground of an application for additional fupplies. Mr. Fox added other arguments in fupport of his requifition, and faid, of all the matters of state that he had ever talked of in that House, he felt the least delicacy refpecting that he was agitating, becaufe he was perfectly fure he had not faid, nor could say, a fyllable that went to the betraying of any

fecret, or that could poffibly do the coun try the fmalleft portion of mifchief.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer made a fhort but elegant and fpirited reply.-lf, he faid, he had feen in the conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman on the preceding day nothing that he ought to follow, fo did he on the prefent occafion, fee ftul ftronger reafons for avoiding the example that had been fet him. The Right Hon. Gentleman had himself admitted, that there were fubjects on which his Majesty's Minifters could not with propriety be fo explicit as indifferent members of the Houfe. For his part, it was his opinion, that however, a cautious delicacy in speaking on the fubject of foreign politicks was one part of the duty of his Majefty's Minifters, yet it was a duty that also belonged to every Member of parliament, nav, to every good citizen; however, in each it might differ in degree, its nature was the fame in all. It was, however, he apprehended, peculiarly improper for a gentleman, who had himself poffeffed a high official fituation, and by whom the foreign concerns of this country had been adminiftered; a gentleman who had generally affected to hold himfelf out as a perfon of fingular weight and authority, to indulge in fuch a latitude. In the debate on the day before, the Right Hon. Gentleman had gone, in his opinion, very improper lengths; but on this day he had difcovered, he fuppofed from better judgement, more mature reflection, and perhaps from diplomatic information, that he had not gone far enough, and had therefore refumed the fubject, in order that as he had before difplayed his ingenuity and acutenefs, he might now be equally diftinguished for his information and judgement. He had accordingly methodized his argument, and had brought it to a fpecifick and certain point. He had first laid it down that it would be a prejudice to this country if it fhould be looked upon by the princes of Europe that he was bound by the treaty to which Hanover had acceded, and yet he had exercifed the whole ftrength of his abilities to perplex the argument and to prove that he was in fact fo bound. How he could juftify his intentions in this acknowledgement, and in this endeavour, he could not forefee; for furely if it were indeed prejudicial to this country, that it fhould be understood, the was included by the act of the miniftry of Hanover, that very circumftance ought to be a fufficient reafon for every friend to Great Britam, to endeavour as much as poffible, to en

force