THE perufal of this little piece hath af

forded us that high pleasure, which refults from contemplating a character, attentive to the interefts of humanity. As a hero and a statefman, the Pruffian monarch has long been the object of our admiration. He is here exhibited in a point of view, not lefs great, but much more amiable, as the true father of his fubjects, promoting, with a munificence worthy of royalty, the comfort and happinefs of thofe claffes which, though generally deemed the loweft in rank, are perhaps the most useful and valuable to fociety.

Our very ingenious author, in whom the philofopher and politician are happily united, fets out with a maxim, which though generally allowed in theory, is too little regarded in practice; that a flate is really powerful and flourishing, in proportion as it is populous: provided government be careful to supply its subjects with employment fufficiently lucrative to afford them a comfortable fubfiftence. While this is the cafe, it is impoffible that a country fhould be too populous; or that emigrations fhould become neceffary, to die minifh the number of its inhabitants. He then enters into the question, whether ancient nations were more populous than the modern; which he determines in the af. firmative; though he is of opinion that the difference is not fo great as Montefquieu has fuppofed. In the middle ages, and in later times, population was greatly diminifhed, in confequence of religious wars, of peftilence, famine, bad govern ment, the celibacy of the clergy, and ether caufes. At the peace of Weftpha lia, moft of the villages in the electorate of Brandenburgh, in Silefia, and in. Po merania, were entirely deferted; and above an hundred villages, which exifted in the time of the Emperor Charles IV. Elector of Brandenburgh, are no longer to be found.

POL. MAG. VOL, X, FEB. 1786.

This decline of population was much checked by the wife policy of the elector Frederick William, furnamed, very justly, THE GREAT, and of the kings, Frederic I. Frederic William, and Frederick II. The first of thefe princes, befide re-establishing agriculture throughout his dominions, befide rebuilding the ruined towns and villages, increased the number of his fubjects, by affording an afylum to 12000 French refugees, whom Lewis XIV. had foolifhly, as well as wickedly exiled, and whofe number is now augmented to 20000. Frederic I. received into his territory a con fiderable number of the fubjects of the Pa-. latinate, who had alfo been driven from their country by religious perfecution: and Frederic William gave an afylum to 12,000 Saltzburghers, who had, in like manner, been banished by a bigoted Archbishop, and alfo to a great number of emigrants from the Palatinate and Moravia, and with thefe virtuous induftrious families, he repeopled the Province of Pruffian Lithuania, which had been depopulated by the dreadful peftilence, in the years 1709 and 1710.

After this introdu&ion, our author gives an account of the liberal and wife meafures by which his prefent Majefty, notwithstanding his long and bloody wars, has not only doubled the population of his hereditary kingdoms, but, by means of his newly acquired provinces, trebled that of his whole dominions.

As agriculture affords the most immediate and neceffary fubfiftence, and is therefore most friendly to population, the king has not only rebuilt the villages and " farms, which had fallen into decay; but has caufed new ones to be erected, efpecially in the neighbourhood of rivers. By confining the rivers within their bank and thus preventing inundations, he has recovered many acres of excellent arable and pafture land, which he gives to fo reign fettlers, on condition that they build

N

and

and flock their farms; and to affift them in doing this, he grants them, for a number of years, an exemption from taxes, and military fervice. It appears from the lift of new fettlements, preferved in the royal archives, that his prefent Majefty has built 539 villages, hamlets, and farms; wherein has eftablished above 42,600 families; which, if we compute five perfons to each family, gives an increafe of near 214,000 subjects.

The King has also advanced to gentlemen and land-holders, fums, amounting to feveral millions of crowns, to enable them to clear and improve their eftates. Thefe fums are either a free donation, or are lent at the low intereft of one or two per cent, which is appropriated to the cftablishment of fchools, and to penfions for the widows and children of indigent offi

cers.

In order to prevent famine, and its depopulating confequences, his majefty has erected immepfe ftorehoufes for coin in every province, for the fubfiftence of his army in time of war, and of his other fubjects in feafons of natural fearcity. Thus he keeps the price of grain fufficiently high to encourage the hufo ndman, and, by opening his ftores, can at any time prevent the market from rifing fo as to diftrefs the people. By thefe means the Pruffian dom nions, though not remark able for extraordinary fertility, fuffered nothing, and were even able to fupply their neighbours, in the dreadful famine of 1772, the effects of which were fo fatal, in fome of the molt fertile parts of Germany.

But the King of Pruffia's attention is not confined to agriculture; he has eftablished and encouraged manufactures in, every part of his, dominions: thete afford a maintenance to 500,000 perfons, or to about one-twelfth part of his fubjects; our limits will not allow us to follow the ingenious academician in his derails on this head; but it appears from his account, that during the courfe of the year 1784, his Majefty has diftributed 2,236,156 crowns, in compenfating the loffes and calamities of his fubjects, and in promoting agriculture and manfactures; and that the fums he has expended toward thefe wife and be nevolent purposes, fince the year 1763, amount to near twenty-two millions of crowns.

The Pruffian government has generally been fuppofed to be merely a military eftablishment, little fuited to the encourage ment of population. But Baron H, ob

ferves that it would be easy to fhew, that the Pruffian army is really a national militia, like, that of the Romans and is conftituted in fuch a manner, as inftead of injuring, to befriend population. It confifts of 200,000 men, who are always ready for fervice. Of this number, one half. are the fons of peasants or labourers; whe during the months of April and May, are embodied for the purpofe of military exercife, after which, they return to their country occupations, wherein they are employed the remainder of the year. The other half confifts of foreign mercenaries whom the King engages, that he may not prejudice the national population. Thefe refide with their regiments in the towns, attend military duty two days in the week, and may employ their leifure time in working at their feveral trades. The foldiers are not only allowed, but are even encouraged to marry; by which means most of the foreigners become attached to the coun try, and continue in it. Every regiment has a greater number of women and chil dren, than of men belonging to it; and the whole army of 200,000 men, if we include ther families, amounts to above 400,000 perfons. The king maintains, in a houfe ftablished at Potidan, 5000 chil. dren of foldiers, most of whom are, at the age of eight years, fent into the country, to be brought up by the pealants, who are allowed thirteen crowns a year for each; thus they are rendered good labourers, and hardy foldiers. In confequence of all these wife and beneficent meatures, the king of Prutha has not only greatly increased the populoufnefs of his dominions; but alfo laid the foundation of its farther auginentation; for by the public registers of 1784, it appears that the births exceeded the burials by 59,162 perfons.

Such is the amiable point of view in which the king of Pruffia's adminiftation of government is reprefented by M. DE HERTZBERG, who delivers facts, and appeals to authorities, with an honest plainnefs, that infpires his reader with confidence in all he writes. We cannot, however, coincide with his conclusion, that an abfolute monarchy is the government bekt calculated to promote the happinefs of its fubjects. According to the account before us, the King of Pruflia's administration claims our warmeft approbation; but how few monarchs are there whofe views are thus enlarged, and whole fentiments are equally liberal; nor is it fair to compare his good government with the abuses of a republican administration. When we

influence of dictators or of generals, that exercifed a power little less than regal.

With refpect to the civil and interior government of a country, it is farther obferved, that a monarch, even of a middling genius, is more capable of giving activity and vigour to the adminiftration of justice, the regulation of police and fiDances, and the progrefs of agriculture and commerce, than an aristocratical af fembly, or a democratical multitude; that thefe latter forms, and more especially the last, are more peculiarly expofed to abufes, cabals, and violent commotions, and of all forms, afford the most precarious fecurity for the lives and properties of individuals; that evils produced by factions, in a republic, are more durable and extenfive than even thofe which refult from the abuses of monarchy; and that Tiberius Nero, Lewis XI. and John Bafilides, did lefs mifchief to their refpective fubjects than the civil wars of the Triumvirs produced at Rome, the league in France, and the wars of Demetriufes in Ruffia. Thefe obfervations are clofed with this remarkable one, that the defects of a republican government are infeparable from it, and refult inevitably from the nature of man; whereas those of monarchy are not inhe. rent in it, and grow daily more and more feparable from it in the prefent philofophical period of the world."

Accordingly, fays our author, republics have had their day, but that day feems verging towards its conclufion: The American republic exhibits, indeed, a new phenomenon, which is to be attributed entirely to the wrong fteps of the British government, and the political and commercial jealousy of the neighbouring pow ers; but we must wait at least half a century, to fee whether or not this new republic or confederacy will be able to render folid its political conftitution; for hitherto at least, it does not furnish the fmallest proof in favour of a republican

form

• Methinks there is much reafon in his fayings, cried a Roman citizen, as Dan Shakespeare tells us, when the royalift, Antony, had been harranguing the people. We are much inclined to addrefs the fame language to our noble author. A fedate man, who has read the hiftory of the world, and ftudied human nature (not in the books of certain reclufe and angelic doctors, who think all men as difinterested, difpaffionate, and benevolent as hemfelves; but in the manners caught

living as they rife, and in the real tranfactions of focial, civil and political life), willi be fick, dead fick of democratical govern ment. All power of governors originates no doubt,in the governed; the people, and their choice of, or fubmiffion to, govern ors, in all ages, has arifen from a confci oufnels of their total incapacity to govers themfelves, when aggregated into a com munity. The end of the power which they delegate is the fecurity of the life, fame, property and perton of each indi vidual. Of the accomplishment of this purpose they can judge, and this they have a right to claim. Of the complicated measures, ways and means of fupporung. the political fabric, promoting public ore der, and advancing national profperity, they are in their collective body, incom petent judges, and have neither capacity, wisdom, nor incorruptibility enough to di rect the motions of the political machine.

But let us return to our author: we have a word or two to fay of his favourite form of government, and this, as we ob-, ferved above, is an hereditary monarchy, tempered by fundamental laws. The temperature is good, if the parts are kept from feparating. But a people can have no firm fecurity for the obfervation of these laws, while the legislative and executive power is vefted in the monarch, while the property of the fubjects is at his difpofal, and the operations of a large and ftanding army depend upon his will. When the body of the people have by reprefentatives or otherwife, no inherent power, in per manent exertion, that can check irregular and pernicious exertions of the monarch's power, fundamental laws are but pieces of paper or parchment, whofe influence depends upon the perfonal virtue of him that governs, and is confequently precarious. They adminifter no mare k curity than the titles of Most Faithful, Moft Chriftian, or Apoftolic Majesty, which are words always of great meaning, but often of little efficacy.

Our author has eftablished a general theory on partial facts. He has tefore his eyes, in his royal mafter, a monarch who has undoubtedly fignalized his reign by a wife, generous, and paternal attention to every object that is adapted to promote the internal well being and profperity of his fubjects. But as one fwallow does not make a fummer,' fo neither does one or even two good monarchs. prove that monarchy, limited by words,

is the best, the most falutary form of government. When the noble author tells us, that, from powers refiding in the will of the Sovereign alone, there arifes the frongeft prefumption that he will employ it only for the good of his people, becaufe his glory, his tranquillity, and his authority are infeparably connected with their happiness, we mult take the liberty to tell him, that this theoretical propofition, which is advanced without any reflexion upon the paffions, infirmities, and falfe judgments, to which princes are as much fubject as other men, may be as well applied to a defpotic fovereign, as to one whofe power is modified by fundamental laws. If the defpot happens (and humanly fpeaking, the cafe is indeed fortuitous) be a wife and good man, the ends of government will be anfivered, and the people will have a leafe of national wellbeing at least for one life; but if either the defpot or the monarch, with fundamental laws upon paper, he a weak or worthless prince, who understands ill, or purfues ill, his true intereft (which is a common cafe), then the people have no fecurity at all for national well-being.

Facts prove this as fully as reafon; and we wonder to hear our noble author affirming, that the experience of mankind, and more especially in the prefent century, juftifies his doctrine, that the refidence of power in the will of the monarch affords the ftrongeft prefumption that he will employ it for the good of the people. We thick that both experience and obfervation prove the contrary. His examples, taken from the ancient German chiefs, are fallacious; these are examples of monarchy with fundamental laws, but of popular or aristocratical communities, who had a Brennus, a Teutoboch, an Arioviffus, or an Arminius at their heads, and whom they frequently put to death, or banished, when they made too bold ftrides towards power, and attempted to exchange the fword of the General for the fceptre of the Monarch, or to hold them both together. And if we come down to modern times, the proofs of our author's fyftem are far from increafing upon us, notwithstanding the pretended influence of philofophy upon the monarchs and fubjects of the prefent age, There is indeed a certain fpecies of philofophy (now in fashion) that is a remarkable diffolvent of bonds, both with respect to God and man; but this, if we mistake not, contains the feeds of

anarchy and confufion. Hitherto it has produced no remarkable explosion; bue it is working and fermenting in the minds of men, and explofions may come of which we are not aware. Be that as it may it is enough. to invalidate our au thor's doctrine, that in civilized countries, the most natural and effential rights of men are violated habitually under those monarchies, which he deems the beft forms of civil goverment Wherever a fubject may be imprisoned, and that for life, by a letter de cachet, without legal accufation or trial; or fhut up in an inquifition, for entertaining innocent opinions in fpeculative theology, or deprived of his property without his confent, or legal forfeiture; under fuch a form of monarchy the primary end of civil government is not fecured; and there we cannot but think, that it was in a moment of illufion that our ingenious author gave it the preferenee. If he had confidered the British conftitution with as much attention as he ftudied the political jurifprudence of the German ftates, he would have bestowed more than two lines upon it, when he was appreciating the different forms of government, and would not have contented himfelf with faying haftily, and moft injudiciously, that it furnished no proofs in favour of a republican conftitution. No, certainly, it does not; but furnishes palpable and folid proofs of the excellence of that form of government which holds the wife middle line between his monarchy, where there is but one uncontrolable will, and a democracy, which, exhibits a jarring multitude of heterogeneous wills, which can only ceafe to produce confufion by degenerating into oligarchy or defpouifim.

Nothing in this memoir affects us fo much and fo agreeably, as an enterefting and particular account of above three millions of German crowns, expended by the Pruffian monarch, with wifdom and humanity, for the relief of his fubjects, and the amelioration of their poffeffions, in the year 1783. This does immortal honour to the hoary head and the paternal heart of Frederick; but it fays little or nothing for the doctrine of our author. For who is fo foolish as to deny, that even abfolute monarchy is the best form of government when placed in good hands? and who is fo rafh as to affirm, that it is always to be preferred, in whatever hands birth, or affinity, may accidently throw it ?