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CHAP. XVIII.

The marquis of Ormond ordered to leave the castle.

ON the 9th of June, 1647, "it is ordered that the persons herein under-named are appointed a committee forthwith to meet with a committee of four of the lords in the usual place, who are, in the name of both houses, to congratulate the commissioners (of the English parliament) that are now coming out of England."

"It is this day ordered, by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that a committee of both houses do repair unto the honorable the commissioners from the most honor. able the parliament of England, to congratulate their safe and happy arrival here; having expressed their good affec tions to the public service, in hazarding themselevs notwithstanding the crossness of the winds and other difficulties; and that the said committee do, in the name of both houses, acknowledge their hearty thankfulness to the most honorable the parliament of England, for their zeal and care in sending supplies into this kingdom, for the relief and preservation thereof, and to desire them to represent such their thankfulness to that most honorable parliament."

And on the 16th of July,3 these parliament commissioners gave notice to the marquis of Ormond, to remove, with his family, from the castle; and to deliver the regalia within four days, according to his agreement. But it being inconvenient to his lordship to embark so soon, he compromised the matter with them, by quitting the castle immediately, and deferring the ceremonial of the sword, till the day first agreed upon. "Yesterday,,' says his lordship, "I was summoned to leave the sword and castle, according to the direction of the com mittee of Derby-house; which, by the way, I note as no good sign, that committee consisting of all independents.”

Mr. Leyburne justly remarks, that this circumstance might have furnished his lordship with a good excuse for breaking off the agreement, as matters were then greatly altered; "for," says he, "the parliament with whom he had held his treaty, were presbyterian; but now it became independent,

1 Com. Jour. vol. i. fol. 576. Cart. Orm, vol. i. fol, 605.

2 Ib. fol. 577.

4 Cart. Orm.

5 Memoirs, p. 97.

quite another thing; so that I was confident my lord of Ormond would be very wary of parting easily from his government, without fresh commands from the king,"

But his lordship, instead of making use of such an argument, would have parted with his government some weeks sooner, had not lord Digby, as principal secretary of state, resolutely interposed. "For his excellency being pressed by the parliament commissioners to perform his engagement, he was resolved to do it,* and wrote so to lord Digby, who had in several letters, persuaded his delay. But finding that nothing but a personal interview, and most serious conference, was able to hinder him any longer from accomplishing the work, lord Digby, notwithstanding the most imminent hazard of the attempt, ventured by night to steal into Dublin-castle, to prevent the surrender the next day intended; where, upon his arrival, which procured a very great disturbance, he wrought so effectually with the marquis of Ormond, that he brought him the next day to declare to the commissioners (un

6 Id. ib.

* How indifferent both Digby and Ormond were about the future fatę of Ireland at this juncture, appears from the following passage in a letter of the former to the latter. Digby, after strongly advising Ormond, that, on quitting the kingdom, he should have liberty from the parliament commissioners to carry off with him five thousand five hundred men, to any other kingdom in amity with England, adds, "that he ought to value that condition above all the others, not only as most honorable, but far more profitable to him, than if they should give him five times the sum they offered, but that, if the parliament would not give him snch conditions, then he conceived Ormond's course must be, by temporizing with the Irish, renewing other treaties with the parliament upon lower conditions; in fine, by any art to prolong his possession of the garrison and forces, till he (Digby) could procure him shipping and money for the said transportation. And then, (says he) let who will take the carcase of what you shall leave.” Cart. Orm, vol. iii. fol. 544.—“ Nay these two lords were not only indifferent about the future fate of Ireland at this juncture, but seemed ready (Digby in particular) to enter into any scheme with the parliamentarians for leaving the Irish entirely at their mercy. In a letter to Ormond, July 17th, 1647, Digby, in order to ingratiate himself with the parliament commissioners, undertakes, "if he can have liberty to negotiate in the Irish quarters, that he is not more confident of any thing in the world, than that he can demonstrate to these commissioners, that in a month's time, the Irish shall be more broken, and weakened by art, than they can hope to do with twelve months war."- Id, ib. fol. 560,

der pretence of doubting the authority of their power, and in expectation of the parliament's solemn engagement of the faith of both houses for the security of himself, and all his party, whether perhaps excepted, or not excepted) that unless they would yet give him five weeks time to hold the sword and castle, in order to his satisfaction in these particulars, he would rather die in the gate, with an halbert in his hand, than give it up. In which resolution, the commissioners finding him positive, at last assented, that, if he would surrender into their hands the militia forthwith, he would permit him to retain the sword and castle, together with any three companies he should choose for his guard, for the fore-mentioned time."

On the 26th of July, his excellency moved these commis. sioners, that," "in regard his servant was not come with his money to discharge his debts, and other necessary payments, they would permit his lady to remain in the castle, till he came." But even that request was refused him. In short, as his lordship had, over and above the hostages, put all the power into their hands before any performance on their part, it is no won der, that they did not afterwards keep within the bounds of common decency in their dealings with him. And when he complained of several breaches of honor which they were guilty of, they did not pretend to assign a reason for their proceedings, but told him plainly, "that they were competent judges of them, and would not allow others to direct their actions."+

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* The money to be given him by the parliament for the surrender, which was £5000 in hand, &c.

+ Though one of the conditions of Ormond's treaty with the parlia ment commissioners was, "that he and all such noblemen and officers as deşired to pass into any part of that kingdom (England) should have tra velling arms and free passes, with servants for their respective qualities That Ormond should have £5000 in hand, and £2000 per annum, for five years, till he could receive so much a year out of his own estate; and that he should have liberty to live in England without taking any oaths for a year, he engaging his honor to do nothing in the interim to the prejudice of the parliament; however he delivered not up the regalia tiil the 23th of July, at which time, he was transported, with his family into England. The marquis of Ormond had obtained from these commissioners a pass. for lord Digby to transport himself to France. But "all their seamen seut

Sir Maurice Eustace, afterwards lord chancellor of Ireland, in a letter to the marquis of Ormond, October 8th, 1647, acquainted him, "that sir William Parsons (formerly lord justice of that kingdom) had by late letters, advised Jones (then governor for the parliament) to the burning of corn, and to put men, women and children to the sword: and that sir Adam Loftus had written in the same strain."

CHAP. XIX.

Reasons assigned for the marquis of Ormond's surrender, considered.

TWO reasons are commonly assigned by historians, in order to justify or excuse Ormond's delivering up the king's au thority at this juncture, to the English rebels,

First, his majesty's verbal order, or at least, permission, privately sent him for that purpose by sir George Hamilton. And secondly, a design of the confederate catholics, then newly discovered, to transfer their allegiance from their natural sovereign to some foreign prince. The former of these reasons, I shall prove to be groundless, from his lordship's own words; the latter has been always denied by the accused, nor ever yet, in any manner proved by their accusers, though fre. quently called upon for that purpose.

9 Cart. Collect. Orig. Pap. vol, ii. p. 350.

his lordship word, that let him have what pass he would, they would either throw him overboard or bring him prisoner to London, and the parliament soldiers at Dublin declared resolutions of no less violence against him, if he came that way in spight of any protection.—Cart. Orm, vol. iii. fol. 572.

"These soldiers soon after threatened the parliament commissioners themselves, and plundered the houses of the inhabitants, protestants as well as papists. Money was sent over for their pay, but that could not restore discipline among them; they continued their disorders, and beat their officers, if they offered to reprimand them."-Id. ib. vol, ii. fol. 9.

Borlase informs us, that these soldiers had received such a tincture of mutiny, that Mr. Annesley, and sir Robert King, two of the parliament commissioners, for fear of violence, privately quitted the kingdom.—Hist. of the Irish Rebel. fol. 235,

Mr. Belling, one of the marquis of Ormond's earliest, warmest, and most intelligent apologists, owns, “that this surrender of Dublin, and the other garrisons, did indeed pave the way, not only to the destruction of the people of Ireland, but also to the king's murder in England." But he, at the same time, insists, "that his majesty had sent the lord lieutenant, by sir George Hamilton, private orders to make it." The same is affirmed by Clarendon, Hume, Carte, and generally by all succeeding writers on this subject. But the marquis of Ormond himself, in all his letters to the queen and prince, at that juncture, not only apologizes, with great submission, for this surrender, (which certainly, he would not have done, had he received the king's order or permission for it) but also, in that long and labored state of the affairs of Ireland, which he afterwards laid before the king himself, he represents, "that act of his, as done on presumption, that it was more for his ma jesty's honor and service, and consequently more agreeable to his pleasure, which he had neither means nor time to consult."+

But the following letter from his lordship to the king, which was sent soon after he resigned the government, leaves not the least room to doubt the falsity of this assertion.

"May it please your majesty,"

"I know not how my last actions, or present condition, have been represented to your majesty; the latter your majesty finds in the public articles with the parliament commissioners; but upon what grounds, or advices, these articles were agreed to,

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* Doctor Leland has made a proper distinction on this occasion, "Or mond," says he, "was assured his majesty had signified his pleasure, that in case of extreme necessity, he should submit rather to the English than the Irish. The king's private letters afforded Ormond abundant reason to doubt the truth of these assurances; yet they (these assurances) served to justify the resolution he had now taken to the public."-Hist. of Ireland, vol. iii, p. 307.

The parliament commissioners in treating with the marquis of Ormond about the surrender of the garrisons under his command, "stiffly insisted on their propositions, refusing to consent that the marquis should send any messenger to the king, that, upon information how the case stood, he might receive his majesty's direction what to do."-Berl. Irish. Rebel, fol 221. From Clarendon,

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