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to imagine, that we had been every where victorious in the war, and that they were in the utmost danger of being undone.

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of France; and tho' I only fuppofe this, yet I muft fay, that I think the fuppofition highly probable, for the Ruffians were then at fuch a diftance, that they could not have joined our army before the month of July; and confidering how quickly the French had reduced all the towns in Flanders which they could inveft, the little fortreffes of Stevenfwaert, Roermont, and Venlo, together with Matftricht, might probably have been reduced before the arrival of the Ruffians, after which the very being of that republick would have depended on the event of one battle, which is a rifk no wife nation will ever chufe to run, if it can by any means be avoided; and as the French court could not but be fenfible of

his majesty's wifdom in bringing them to agree to fuch reasonable

terms.

Was it fo, Sir? Does not every gentleman know it was not: We had for three years preceding met A every year with a fignal defeat, and every defeat was attended with the lofs of whole countries, and many fortified towns. This, as the Hon. gentleman rightly judged, was not owing to any mifconduct in our generals, or to ary want of bravery in our troops; but folely to the fuperior number of the enemy's armies: How could this be provided against by our minifters? Will any one fay, that this nation could, or ought to have furnished more troops than it did? But it will be faid, our allies C this, we cannot too much admire ought to have augmented their quota's So they promifed to do, and to thefe promifes, which were never performed, our minifters trufted from year to year, till our allies the Dutch were brought upon the verge of deftruction. Danger, D Sir, has always a very different effect upon the imagination of thofe that are near to it, from what it has upon the imagination of thofe at a distance: The former view it thro' the right, the latter thro' the wrong end of a telefcope: Gen- E tlemen who were fitting fafely here in London, or at their feats in the country, may think, the Dutch were in little or no danger, but when we talk of the neceffity of making peace, we must confider in what light the Dutch themselves viewed the danger they were in. Suppofe, for as I have no knowledge of the fact, I can only fuppofe, they thought the danger fo great as to threaten agreeing to a neutrality if we did not accept of the terms then offered by France. If they had agreed to a neutrality, they must have withdrawn their troops from the allied army, in which cafe, even after the arrival of the Ruffians, our army would have been much inferior in number to that

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But this danger, to which our allies the Dutch were expofed, was not the only danger, Sir, that made a peace neceffary for us. Surely, gentlemen have not forgot the fituation in which our publick credit was at that time, and the danger it was in of being entirely blown up. Do we not remember, that all our publick funds, except Bank and Eaft-India, were greatly under par, and hardly any hopes of the whole money's being paid in upon the new fubfcription? From this fituation, I think, I may with reafon prefume, that if the peace had not been concluded at the very time it was, our publick credit would have been entirely blown up; and in that cafe, we could not have fupported the war to the end of that year, much less for ten or a dozen years longer, which we probably must have done, before we could have recovered from the enemy all that they had then conquered, even fuppofing the war had, from the moment the Ruffian troops arrived, taken a turn in our favour, and had continued fuccefsful to the end.

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I think, I may now conclude, Sir, that the noble lord's motion contains nothing relating to the peace, but what we may, from the knowledge we have of it, agree to, efpecially as that knowledge has been confirmed by what his majesty A has faid of it in his most gracious fpeech from the throne; and as we cannot, by any thing we now fay of it, be bound up from cenfuring both the treaty and treaty-makers, in cafe, upon a mature confideration, after it has been laid before us, we fhould think, that it deferves fuch a cenfure. But I am fure, nothing the Hon. gentleman has yet been pleafed to object to it, can afford ground for fuch a cenfure. The points in difpute between Spain and us, are points merely relating to C commerce, which are never fettled by a general treaty, but left to be adjufted afterwards by a particular treaty of commerce, therefore this can be no objection against the treaty's being a definitive treaty; and if our allies have all acceded to it without referve, D furely we may fay fo, without entering into any difquifition, by what means they were brought to accede; for all treaties of peace are founded upon the parties at war being refpectively convinced, that they can do no better. This was the cafe of the late treaty, and this it was that made France give up all her conquefts, and Spain pafs from the greatest part of her pretenfions in Italy; therefore I was furprized to hear the Hon. gentleman fay, that no jarring interefts had been any other way adjusted, than by compelling our allies to give up every thing our enemies could ask.

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As to what the Hon. gentleman was pleased to fay against the next paragraph of the addrefs propofed, it is rather criticifing than arguing, G Sir. Surely, we have no occafion for parliameniary knowledge to fay, that the publick expence has been reduced, when every gentleman knows, that many whole regiments

have been already difbanded, and many large men of war put out of commiffion; and as the peace was figned but last month, we may fay, that this reduction has been made with unusual difpatch; for whatever it is in this, it is not ufual in other countries. His objection against the word œconomy, is another objection of the fame kind; for tho' his majesty in his fpeech has not made ufe of that word, he can mean nothing elfe by recommending to us the improvement of the publick revenue, which may be effectuated feveral ways by our œconomy, as well as by the economy of our minifters. If there be any of our prefent taxes, which cannot be duly raised by the laws now in being, it is our business and our duty to contrive and establish fuch new methods as may be effectual; and if there be any of our taxes which cannot be raised without a great expence, and any new tax could be thought of, which would produce as much, and could be raised at a much lefs expence, it would be œconomy in us to abolish the old and establish the new in its room; or if by one method of raising money for the publick fervice, we muft pay a premium as well as intereft for the money wanted, and another method could be contrived, by which we might raife the money wanted at the fame intereft without any premium, would it not be œ. conomy in us to chufe the latter rather than the former? The word œconomy may therefore be applied to our conduct in raifing, as well as to the conduct of the adminiftration in difpofing of the publick money; and if the Hon. gentleman thinks it neceffary, I am perfuaded, our present minifters will not be against our inquiring, at a proper feafon, into the bufinefs as well as falaries of all the officers concerned in collecting or managing the publick re.

venue.

I was glad to find, Sir, that the
Hon.

Ilon. gentleman, in the humour he feemed to be in, agreed to our acknowledging the bravery of our troops; but I muft defire gentlemen to confider, if what he propofes to add to this acknowledment, would not look fomething like a remon- A ftrance, and confequently would be very improper to be made a part of our addrefs upon this occafion; for if it fhould be thought neceffary to inquire into the causes which made the events of the war no way answerable to the bravery of our troops, that inquiry may hereafter be fet on foot whenever we please, tho' nothing be faid of it in our prefent addrefs.

I am convinced, it was what forced them to agree to reasonable terms of peace, notwithstanding their fignal fuccefs upon the continent of Europe.

To leave out thefe words would therefore, in my opinion, Sir, be a neglect of what we owe to providence as well as to his majefty; and as to the other words proposed to be left out, the Hon. gentleman certainly forgot, or did not attend to the words in his majefty's fpeech, B to which these words relate, otherwife he would not have made any objection to them. His majesty in his fpeech defires us only to grant fuch fupplies as may be requifite for the curAs to what the Hon. gentleman rent fervice, for our own fecurity, and propofes, Sir, with regard to the for making good fuch engagements falt paragraph of the addrefs moved Cas have been already entered into, for, I believe, upon confideration it and laid before us; therefore, what will appear, that he is not more is proposed in our addrefs, by making lucky in his fubftractions than in his good the nation's engagements, can additions. Was not the destruction relate to none but such as have been of the enemy's commerce of great laid before us, and of fuch we may confequence to this nation in par- properly enough be faid to have a ticular, as well as to the war in ge- D parliamentary knowledge: We not neral? Was not the protection of only know them, but we have apour own commerce, by diftroying proved of them, and confequently the enemy's privateers, of great con- could not refuse to make them good, fequence? In both these have we tho' these words were entirely left not had great fuccefs during the out of our addrefs. whole courfe of the War? Can it be any objection to our acknowledg. ing this, that now and then a fingle fhip, or a fleet of fhips, escaped us in fuch a wide ocean as that betwixt Europe and America? Was not the reduction of the island of CapeBreton, which was properly a naval expedition, a piece of fignal fuccefs? Had not we fignal fuccefs at PortoBel and Chagre? Even at Cartogena we had fignal fuccefs, fo far as related to the naval part. And tho' we had not all the fuccefs that might have been expected at Toulon, and upon fome other occafions, G yet we cannot deny our having had fignal fuccefs at fea, through the whole courfe of the war: The enemy were fo fenfible of it, that

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I hope, Sir, I have now fufficiently anfwered every objection made by the Hon. gentleman againft what my noble friend has been pleased to propofe to us; but before I fit down I muft obferve, that it might be attended with very pernicious confequences, fhould we be lefs full or less F dutiful in our acknowledgments to his majefly upon this occafion than upon any former. We have ftill feveral points relating to our commerce and plantations to fettle with France as well as Spain: Points which could not be, and indeed never are, settled in a general treaty of peace; and yet points which are of the utmost confequence to this nation. How fhall we obtain fatisfaction as to any of those points?

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thefe the moft deferving of the notice of the publick is the bill which was intitled, Abi for limiting refpe&tive times, beyond which no non-commission officer or foldier now, or who may bereafter be fuch, in his majely's land fervice, fall be compelled to continue in the faid fervice.

No one, I hope, expects, that we can obtain it by favour, which is a motive that is never of any weight in negotiations between independent nations. In all fuch, fear or national intereft are the only two motives of a publick nature that A prevail. But it is the national in. tereft of France, and of Spain too, March 9. The houfe having that during her union with France, neither day paffed the mutiny bil, Thomas to give us fatisfaction, nor to do us Pitt, Efq; ftood up, and moved for juftice. Fear then must be made to leave to bring in a bill for this puroperate upon both: Our minifters pofe, and Leing feconded by Sir mult threaten to renew the war, if В Francis Dalewood, his motion was they refufe to fettle thofe points complied with; whereupon the faid to our fatisfaction. Can fuch threat- two gentlemen and Humphry Sydennings have any effect, if they fup- ham, Elq; were ordered to prepare. pofe that there is like to be à dif. and bring in the fame. March 14th, union between his majefty and his the bill was prefented to the houfe parliament? And if we should be by the faid Thomas Pitt, and read lefs full or lefs dutiful in our ac. C the frit time, and ordered to be knowledgments to his majesty than read a fecond time. The 17th it has been usual of late years, would was read a fecond time, and comnot both the courts of France and mitted to a committee of the whole Spain have good ground for fuch a houte; and it was refolved, that the fuppofition? houfe would, on Tuesday three weeks, refolve itfelf into a committee of

This confideration will, I hope, Sir, induce even the Hon. gende. D man himself to give up the critical remarks he has made upon the addrefs propofed; for that they'll have any weight with others, I do not in the leaft fear; but I fhould wish to fee our address upon this important occafion unanimoufly agreed to, efpecially as what is now propofed is neither of a greater length, nor more particular than what has been ufual for many years.

[This JOURNAL to be continued in our next.]

A Summary of the most important Affairs, that happer'd laft Seffion of Parliament: Continued from p. 368.

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E come now to give fome account of the most important bills brought in laft feilion, which had not the good fortune to be pafled into laws, and among September, 1749.

the whole houfe on the faid bill, but on that day it was adjourned for a week, and then, viz. April 19, upon reading the order of the day, the ufual motion being made, that the fpeaker do now leave the chair, it was carried in the negative by 139 E to 82; whereupon it was refolved, that the houfe would on that day two months refolve itfelf into a committee of the whole houfe upon the faid bill; but before that day the parliament was prorogued, and fo the bill was no more heard of; F tho' nothing could contribute more towards rendering our militia ufeful, than a well concerted bill of this nature; but as this would render it unneceffary to keep a great number of regular troops in continual pay. it will always be difficult to get fuch a bill paffed into a law.

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The next bill of this kind we fhall take notice of, was, The bill to regulate and refrain paper bills of credit in the British colonies and plan- ̧ Fff

tation

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10, the houfe, by order, refolved itfelf into a committee of the whole houfe upon the faid bill, as it did likewife, May 30, when the bill

was very much altered; but difficulties ftill appearing, notwithstanding thefe alterations, the bill was dropt, and the houfe refolved to address his

majefly to give directions for laying before them, in the next feflion of parliament, an account of the tenor and amount of all the bills of credit, which had been created and iffued in B the feveral British colonies and plantations in America, as well thofe under proprietors and charters, as under his majesty's immediate commiffion and government, that should be then out-flanding, diftinguishing the amount of the fame in each colony or plantation, and the refpective times when fuch bills fo outftanding were iffued, with the amount of the laid bills in money of Great Britain, both at the time when such bills were iffued, and the time of preparing the faid account, and also D the times fixed for the calling in, finking and difcharging fuch bills, and the funds appropriated for that purpose.

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tations in America; and to prevent
the fame being legal tenders in pay-
ments for money, &c. February 16,
upon a motion made by Horatio
Walpole, fen. Efq; it was ordered,
that leave fhould be given to bring
in a bill for this purpofe; and that
the faid Mr. Walpole, the lord Dup-
plin, Mr. alderman Baker, Baptift Le-
vifon Gower, Efq; Francis Fane, Ela;
John Pitt, Efq; Sir Thomas Robinson,
and James Grenville, Efq; fhould
prepare and bring in the fame.
March 3, the faid Mr. Walpole pre-
fented the bill to the house, when
it was read the first time, and order-
ed to be read a fecond time. In
this cafe it was plain, that nothing
more was neceffary to be provided
by law, than that no fuch bills fhould
be made legal tenders in payments
for money; but as the bill contained
an abfolute prohibition to iffue any
paper bills of credit, of any kind
or denomination, or under any pre-
tence whatfoever without his maje-
fty's licence; and as it likewife con-
tained a claufe for fubje&ting our
colonies and plantations to fuch or-
ders and inftructions, as fhould from
time to time be tranfmitted to them
from the crown; it raised a general
oppofition from our colonies and plan-
tations upon the continent of America,
and petitions were prefented against E
it by the agents for Connecticut, Pen-
fylvania, Rhode Island, Maffachuf-
fets-Bay, South Carolina and New-
York; and likewife one from a great
many merchants and traders of Lon-
don, concerned in the trade to our
northern colonies; all which were or- F
dered to lie on the table, till the
zd reading of the bill, and that the
petitioners fhould be then heard
by their counfel against the bill, if
they thought fit. May 1, the bill
was by order read a 2d time, and
the counfel for the agent of Connec-
ticut heard next day: Next day the
counfel for the agent of Penfylvania
was heard, and alfo the counsel for
the agent of New-York; after which
the bill was committed; and, May

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The next bill of this kind we fhall take notice of, was that for extending and improving the Trade to Africa. As this trade is of the utmost confequence to the trade, plantations, and manufactures of England, and as the company was in no condition to fupport their forts and settlements there, fo early in the feffion as the 22d of December, the company prefented a petition to the houfe, fetting forth a brief account of their history and circumstances, and praying the houfe, on behalf of themfelves and their creditors, to take the premiffes into confideration, and grant fuch lafting encouragement to the petitioners as might enable them to pay their debts, and to keep and maintain their faid forts and caftles in a defenfible condition, for the protection of a free and

open

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