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PATRICK HENRY

RICK HENRY, born in Virginia, 1736; died This orator shares with James Otis the disn of having fired the hearts of the colonists n resistance to British aggression. He was y educated, but nature gave him the gift of to an extraordinary degree. The "Give Me or Give Me Death speech, delivered in s of agitation preceding the Revolution, is ortal as Lincoln's Gettysburg address.

E ME LIBERTY OR GIVE ME DEATH"

PRESIDENT:-No man thinks more highly nan I do of the patriotism, as well as abilie very worthy gentlemen who have just adhe house. But different men often see the ject in different lights; and, therefore, I Il not be thought disrespectful to those gen, entertaining as I do opinions of a characopposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my s freely and without reserve. This is no ceremony. The question before the house wful moment to this country. For my own sider it as nothing less than a question of r slavery; and in proportion to the magnie subject ought to be the freedom of the is only in this way that we can hope to truth, and fulfil the great responsibility old to God and our country. Should I my opinions at such a time, through fear

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e above all earthly kings.

. President, it is natural to man to indulge in lusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes st a painful truth, and listen to the song of siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this art of wise men, engaged in a great and ardutruggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of umber of those, who, having eyes, see not, and g ears, hear not, the things which so nearly rn their temporal salvation? For my part, ever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing ow the whole truth; to know the worst, and to de for it.

ave but one lamp by which my feet are guided, hat is the lamp of experience. I know of no of judging of the future but by the past. judging by the past, I wish to know what has been in the conduct of the British ministry he last ten years to justify those hopes with gentlemen have been pleased to solace themand the house. Is it that insidious smile with our petition has been lately received? Trust , sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer ourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourhow this gracious reception of our petition orts with those warlike preparations which our waters and darken our land. Are fleets rmies necessary to a work of love and recon-on? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to conciled that force must be called in to win our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. are the implements of war and subjugation; ist arguments to which kings resort. I ask men, sir, What means this martial array, if rpose be not to force us to submission? Can

Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of orld, to call for all this accumulation of navies rmies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant s: they can be meant for no other. They are over to bind and rivet upon us those chains the British ministry have been so long forging. what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try ent? Sir, we have been trying that for the n years. Have we anything new to offer upon oject? Nothing. We have held the subject up y light of which it is capable; but it has been wain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble ation? What terms shall we find, which have en already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done ing that could be done to avert the storm s now coming on. We have petitioned; we monstrated; we have supplicated; we have ed ourselves before the throne, and have imEs interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands inistry and Parliament. Our petitions have hted; our remonstrances have produced adviolence and insult; our supplications have regarded; and we have been spurned, with , from the foot of the throne! In vain, se things, may we indulge the fond hope of d reconciliation. There is no longer any hope. If we wish to be free,-if we mean ve inviolate those inestimable privileges for have been so long contending,—if we mean to abandon the noble struggle in which we 1 so long engaged, and which we have urselves never to abandon, until the gloriof our contest shall be obtained,- -we must epeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

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ext year? Will it be when we are totally disd, and when a British guard shall be stationed ery house? Shall we gather strength by irreso1 and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of tual resistance by lying supinely on our backs hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our ies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, re not weak, if we make a proper use of those s which the God of nature hath placed in our Three millions of people, armed in the holy of liberty, and in such a country as that which ossess, are invincible by any force which our y can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall ght our battles alone. There is a just God who des over the destines of nations, and who will up friends to fight our battles for us. The e, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the nt, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have ection. If we were base enough to desire it, it w too late to retire from the contest. There is etreat, but in submission and slavery! Our s are forged! Their clanking may be heard ne plains of Boston! The war is inevitableet it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemay cry, Peace, Peace-but there is no peace. war is actually begun! The next gale that os from the north will bring to our ears the clash esouding arms! Our brethren are already in eld! Why stand we here idle? What is it that emen wish? What would they have? Is life ar, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty I know not what course others may take; but r me, give me liberty or give me death!

INST THE ADOPTION OF THE

CONSTITUTION

(Speech in Convention, June 24, 1788)

È public mind, as well as my own, is extremely neasy at the proposed change of governGive me leave to form one of the number of ho wish to be thoroughly acquainted with the of this perilous and uneasy situation, and are brought hither to decide on this great question. I consider myself as the servant people of this commonwealth, as a sentinel ir rights, liberty, and happiness. I represent lings when I say that they are exceedingly being brought from that state of full secur

they enjoy, to the present delusive apof things. Before the meeting of the late Convention at Philadelphia, a general peace niversal tranquillity prevailed in this counhe minds of our citzens were at perfect ret since that period they are exceedingly d disquieted.

wished for an appointment to this Convenind was extremely agitated for the situablic affairs. I consider the republic to be danger. If our situation be thus uneasy, ; arisen this fearful jeopardy? It arises 'atal system; it arises from a proposal to government—a proposal that goes to the ilation of the most solemn engagements es—a proposal of establishing nine States ederacy, to the eventual exclusion of four goes to the annihilation of those solemn have formed with foreign nations. Those ind us as thirteen States, confederated

at here is proposal to cover that 233

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