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and therefore (in this view) of rivalship, you are fenfible, that you are at least on a par with Ireland. As to your apprehenfions concerning the more advantageous fituation of Ireland, for fome branches of commerce, (for it is so but for fome) I trust you will not find them more ferious. Milford Haven, which is at your door, may ferve to fhew you, that the mere advantage of ports is not the thing which fhifts the feat of commerce from one part of the world to the other. If I thought you inclined to take up this matter on local confiderations, I fhould state to you, that I do not know any part of the kingdom fo well fituated for an advantageous commerce with Ireland as Bristol; and that none would be fo likely to profit of its profperity as our city. But your profit and theirs muft concur. Beggary and bankruptcy are not the circumftances which invite to an intercourfe with that or with any country; and I believe it will be found invariably true, that the fuperfluities of a rich nation furnish a better object of trade than the neceffities of a poor one. It is the intereft of

the commercial world that wealth fhould be found every where.

The truc ground of fear, in my opinion, is this; that Ireland, from the vitious system of its internal polity, will be a long time before it can derive any benefit from the liberty now granted, or from any thing elfe. But as I do not vote advantages, in

hopes

hopes that they may not be enjoyed, I will not lay any stress upon this confideration. I rather with, that the parliament of Ireland may, in its own wifdom, remove these impediments, and put their country in a condition to avail itself of its natural advantages. If they do not, the fault is with them, and not with us.

I have written this long letter, in order to give all poffible fatisfaction to my conftituents with regard to the part I have taken in this affair. It gave me inexpreffible concern to find, that my conduct had been a cause of uneasiness to any of them. Next to my honour and confcience, I have nothing fo near and dear to me as their approbation. However, I had much rather run the risk of difpleafing than of injuring them ;-if I am driven to make fuch an option. You obligingly lament, that you are not to have me for your advocate; but if I had been capable of acting as an advocate in opposition to a plan so perfectly confonant to my known principles, and to the opinions I had publickly declared on an hundred occafions, I fhould only difgrace myfelf, without supporting with the smallest degree of credit or effect, the cause you wished me to undertake. I fhould have loft the only thing which can make fuch abilities as mine of any ufe to the world now or hereafter; I mean that authority which is derived from an opinion, that a member speaks the

language

language of truth and fincerity; and that he is not ready to take up or lay down a great political fyftem for the convenience of the hour; that he is in parliament to support his opinion of the publick good, and does not form his opinion in order to get into parliament, or to continue in it. It is in a great measure for your fake, that I wish to preferve this character. Without it, I am fure, I fhould be ill able to difcharge, by any fervice, the smallest part of that debt of gratitude and affection which I owe you for the great and honourable truft you have repofed in me. I am, with the highest regard and esteem,

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COPY OF A LETTER

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MESS. ******* ****** AND CO. BRISTOL.

GENTLEMEN,

IT T gives me the most fenfible concern to find, that my vote on the resolutions relative to the trade of Ireland, has not been fortunate enough to meet with your approbation. I have explained at large the grounds of my conduct on that occafion in my letters to the Merchants Hall: but my very fincere regard and esteem for you will not permit me to let the matter pafs without an explanation, which is particular to yourfelves, and which, I hope, will prove fatisfactory to you.

You tell me, that the conduct of your late member is not much wondered at; but you feem to be at a lofs to account for mine; and you lament, that I have taken fo decided a part against my conftituents.

This is rather an heavy imputation. Does it then really appear to you, that the propofitions to

which you refer, are, on the face of them, fo manifeftly wrong, and fo certainly injurious to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, and particularly to yours, that no man could think of propofing, or fupporting them, except from refentment to you, or from fome other oblique motive? If you fuppofe your late member, or if you fuppofe me, to act upon other reasons than we choose to avow, to what do you attribute the conduct of the other members, who in the beginning almost unanimoufly adopted thofe refolutions? To what do you attribute the strong part taken by the minifters, and along with the minifters, by feveral of their most declared opponents? This does not indicate a ministerial jobb; a party design; or a provincial or local purpose. It is therefore not fo abfolutely clear, that the measure is wrong, or likely to be injurious to the true interefts of any place, or any person.

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The reason, gentlemen, for taking this ftep, at this time, is but too obvious and too urgent. I cannot imagine, that you forget the great war, which has been carried on with fo little fuccefs (and, as I thought, with fo little policy) in America; or that you are not aware of the other great wars which are impending. Ireland has been called upon to repel the attacks of enemies of no small power, brought upon her by councils in which she has had no fhare. The very purpose and declared

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