renegade countrymen, as amounted to nearly half their own numbers. It is true, that the invaders were PERSIANS, and the defenders GREEKS; but the event of the contest depended chiefly on the obstinate determination of the Greeks not to submit; a resolution which, accompanied by wisdom and discipline, must ever prevail.

The DUTCH acted like FREE MEN, when they determined to defend their last ditch against Louis XIV.; and, in the last resort, to embark for their foreign settlements; as the РHOCEANS aforetimes did for Corsica; (see Clio, 165.) The ANGLO-AMERICANS have just displayed the same noble sentiments. (worthy of their ancestors) in treating with equal contempt, the proffered, but hollow, friendship; and the threatened enmity, of France: France, whether monarchical, or republican, the common enemy of the peace and independence of nations! Let us

See Calliope 29, 30, 32. The confederated Grecian force was 110,000; that of the Persians 350,000, of whom 50,000 were Greek auxiliaries.

9

In the prospect of future times, there is a subject for pride, in the breasts of Englishmen ; which is, that so vast a portion of the globe will be peopled by their descendants. We allude, of course, to America and New Holland; the latter of which, alone, appears to have room enough for as many inhabitants as Europe at present contains. This is at least beyond the power of the French Directory to prevent; for the progress of population in America is too rapid to be opposed by human means, and will soon outgrow that of France, with all her conquests and fraternizations. America, fortunately for the world, has given the pledge of enmity to France; so that the danger of contamination of morals, by too intimate a connection, is removed.

The colony of New South Wales, too, will probably be able

persevere in determining not to be duped by France, by supposing that any peace with her is short of submission; for such an act, on the part of the present government of that country, (wretched and subdued within, in the midst of victory without) could only be done to gain time, and to lull us into security, in order finally to crush us with the greater

ease.

The present state of France cannot last, unless the rest of Europe become accomplices with her, in their own destruction. We can only patiently wait the event; and although poverty may come on, ere a change happens, yet when it does happen, we shall at least start on equal terms with them in point of capital (for the successes of France do not make her rich), and infinitely superior, in point of reputation ; which is not to be undervalued, in the calculation of national strength. Submission would lower our reputation, even more than national bankruptcy.

to take care of itself, before the French have opportunity, or leisure, to molest it. Bad as the habits of many of its settlers have been, we have more hopes of their amendment, as matters go, than if they were contaminated by French principles; and as to their posterity, it will make no difference, if the mother country provide; as she is bound to do, for the instruction of the rising generation. This generation is said to be very numerous; and it is pretty obvious, that, on the care of their religion and morals, the character of THE FUTURE NATION will depend.

It ought perhaps to afford a triumph to literary men, that the English language had received its highest degree of improvement, before the epoch of our great colonizations. He therefore who writes in English, and whose works descend to posterity, will probably have the greatest number of readers; as was, perhaps the case heretofore, of him who wrote in French.

Besides, the very means used to prevent the evil, would produce it; for poverty will most assuredly follow submission; and that, without any hope of improvement, by a change of circumstances: and it is surely better to be poor WITH hope than WITHOUT it. No sensible man can build his hopes on the moderation, or good faith of the enemy; and therefore a cry for PEACE, under the present existing circumstances, can only be calculated to mislead, or to divide the community.

If we fear the diminution of our property or income, when justly apportioned, we must pay the forfeit of that fear; that is, our most excellent and consolatory religion, our liberty, our comforts; in a word, all that we have been contending for, during so many generations, either with domestic tyrants, or foreign invaders. Hitherto, the danger from the latter has been distant; but it is now at the very threshold. We are as able to contend as ever; perhaps better, from the active military spirit that has kept pace with the danger, and which must gradually make us an armed nation; that is, such a proportion of the people as have leisure to qualify themselves for its defence: and, can leisure be more worthily employed? Surely, if wisdom, and an attention to rational economy, do not forsake us (and the want of either must sink the most rich and powerful country in the world), we can oppose the enemy on our own ground, with superior numbers, and with superior effect; since the country will be every where hostile to him. Besides, with FREEMEN, the MIND goes more towards the defence of what is dear

to them, than it possibly can, on the other side, towards depriving them of it.

If the enemy is bent on our destruction, what have we to do, but to dispute the point, even to extermination? What worse can befal us, by contesting it, than by submitting? Take the examples of conquest, of submission, and of fraternization, severally; and then let any one, if he can, point out the distinction between the treatment that the French government has shewn to the different people who have fallen under its power, by those different modes! We have therefore nothing to hope, but from our own exertions, under the favour of Heaven and let us trust, that the contest will terminate gloriously, and perpetuate the system of liberty transmitted to us by our ancestors; and thus hold out another bright example to succeeding times. The hatred of Europe is rising against France, (or rather against its government; for we hope that this distinction may be made in favour of a great proportion of the people, who may not be made accomplices in its guilt); that hatred must increase, and become general; and all Frenchmen who leave their own country on schemes of hostility, must, in the end, be hunted down as enemies to the peace and comfort of mankind.

not far distant 1.

We will hope that the time is

1 The above was written previous to the campaign of 1799.

SECTION XIII.

AN EXAMINATION OF THE REPORT OF THE GEOGRAPHY; AND OF THE DISTANCES, ON THE ROYAL ROAD, BETWEEN IONIA AND SUSA; BY ARISTAGORAS, PRINCE OF MILETUS.

Intrigues of Aristagoras, Prince of Miletus, to engage the Lacedæmonians in Hostilities with the King of Persia-Firmness of Cleomenes; and wise saying of his daughter Gorgothe Prince of Miletus explains his ideas by means of a map engraven on copper-Sketch of the geography between Iönia and Susa-Countries of Lydia, Phrygia, Cappadocia, Armenia, Matiene, Cissia-Intervening deep rivers-Inaccuracies in the report, from the loose manner in which the ancients treated geographical subjects-Comparison of the Stathmus, with the ordinary March of an army; and of the ancient Parasanga with the modern Farsang-the Parasanga of Herodotus agrees with the Farsang, when referred to the same ground; but exceeds the popular estimation of 30 Stades-that of Xenophon falls below it-Royal Road in Persia; its Stathmi and Caravanserais.

THERE occurs in Herodotus a narration of a very interesting and curious conversation between ARISTAGORAS, prince of Miletus', and CLEOMENES, king

"It

See the history of Aristagoras, his intrigues, and fall, in Terpsichore, 28, et. seq. Of Miletus, Herodotus says, might be deemed the pride of Iönia, and was at that time in the height of its prosperity."