wealth. And it hath ever been the custom of Parliaments, by good and wholfome laws to refresh the Commonwealth in general; yea, and to defcend into the remedies of particular grievances; before any mention made of a Supply. Look back upon the best Parliaments, and ftill you shall find, that the laft Acts are for the free gifts of Subfidies on the people's part, and general Pardons on the King's part. Even the wifeft Kings have firft acquainted their Parliaments with their defigns, and the reafons thereof; and then demanded the affiftance, both of their counsel, and purfes. But Phyficians, though they be called of the latest, muft not ftomach it, or talk what might have been, but apply themselves roundly to the Let us not stand too nicely upon circumftances, nor too rigidly poftpone the matter of Supply, to the healing of our lighter wounds. Let us do what poffibly may be done with reason and honesty on our parts, to comply with His Majesty's defires, and to prevent the imminent ills which threaten us. cure. But confider, Mr. Speaker, that they who think themfelves already undone, can never apprehend themselves in danger: and they that have nothing left, can never give freely. Nor fhall we ever discharge the truft of thofe that fent us hither, or make them believe that they contribute to their own defense, and fafety; unless his Majefty be pleased, firft, to restore them to the propriety of their goods, and lawful liberties; whereof they efteem themselves now out of poffeffion. One need not tell you, that the propriety of goods is the mother of courage, and the nurse of industry; makes us valiant in war, and good husbands in peace. The experience I have of former Parliaments, and my prefent obfervation of the care the country has had to choose persons of worth, and courage, makes me think this House like the Spartans, whofe forward valor required fome fofter mufic to allay and quiet their fpirits, too much moved "Tis not the with the found of martial inftruments. fear of imprisonment, or, if need be, of death itself, that can keep a true-hearted English-man from the care to leave this part of his inheritance as entire to posterity, as he received it from his ancestors. This therefore let us firft do; and the more speedily, that we may come to the matter of Supply. Let us give new force to the many laws which have been heretofore made for the maintaining of our rights, and privileges: and endeavour to reftore this nation to the fundamental, and vital liberties, the propriety of our goods, and the freedom of our perfons: no way doubting but we shall find His Majefty as gracious, and ready, as any of his royal progenitors have been, to grant our juft defires therein. For, not only the people do think, but the wifest do know, that what we have fuffered in this long vacancy of Parliaments, we have fuffered from his Minifters. That the person of no King was ever better beloved of his people; and, that no people were ever more unsatisfied with the ways of levying monies; are two truths which may serve one to demonftrate the other. For, fuch is their averfion to the prefent courses, that neither the admiration they have of His Majefty's native inclinations to justice, and clemency; nor the pretended confent of the Judges; could make them willingly fubmit themselves to this late tax of Ship-Money. And, fuch is their natural love, and just esteem, of his Majefty's goodness, that no late preffure could provoke them, nor any example invite them, to disloyalty, or disobedience. But, what is it then that hath bred this misunderstanding betwixt the King and His People? How is it, that having fo good a King, we have so much to complain of? Why, we are told of † the son of Solomon, that he was a Prince of a tender heart; and yet we fee, by the advice of violent Counsellors, how rough an answer he gave to his people.* That his finger should be thicker than his + Rehoboam. Chron. X. 10. father's 2 father's loins, was not his own, but the voice of fome persons about him, that wanted the gravity, and moderation, requifite for the Counsellors of a young King. I love not to prefs allegories too far; but, the resemblance of Job's story with ours holds fo well, that I cannot but obferve it to you. It pleased God to give his enemy leave to afflict him more than once or twice, and to take all he had from him: and yet he was not provoked to rebel, so much as with his tongue; tho' he had no very good example of one that lay very near him, and felt not half that which he suffer'd. I hope His Majesty will imitate GOD in the benigner part too: and as He was fevere to Job only while He difcourfed with another concerning him; but when He vouchfafed to speak Himself to him, began to rebuke those who had mistaken and mif-judged his cafe, and to restore the patient man to his former profperity: fo, now that His Majefty hath admitted us to His prefence, and spoke face to face with us, I doubt not but we shall fee fairer days, and be as rich in the poffeffion of our own as ever we were. I wonder at thofe that feem to doubt the 1..the the fuccefs of this Parliament, or that the misunderstanding between the King and His people fhould last any longer, now they are fo happily met. His Majesty's wants are not fo great, but that we may find means to fupply Him: nor our defires fo unreasonable, or fo incompatible with government, but that His Majefty may well fatisfy them. For, our late experience, I hope, will teach us what rocks to fhun, and how neceffary the use of moderation is. And for his Majefty, He has had experience enough, how that profpers which is gotten without the concurrent good will of his people. Never more money taken from the subject; never more want in the Exchequer! If we look upon what has been paid; it is more than ever the people of England were wont to pay in fuch a time. If we look upon what has been effected therewith; it fhews, as if never King had been worse supply'd: so that we feem to have endeavoured the filling of a fieve with water. Whofoever gave advice for thefe courses, has made good the faying of the wife man, † Qui conturbat domum fuam poffidebit ventum. By new ways they think to accomplish wonders; but, in truth, they grasp the wind: and are at the fame time cruel to us, and to the King too. For, if the Commonwealth flourish, then he that hath the Sovereignty can never want, nor do amiss; fo as he govern not according to the intereft of others; but go the shorteft, and the fafeft, ways, to his own, and the common Good. The Kings of this nation have always governed by Parliament: and if we look upon the fuccefs of things fince Parliaments were laid by, it resembles that of the Græcians, *Ex illo fluere ac retrò fublapfa referri especially on the subjects' part. For, though the King hath gotten little; they have loft all. But, His Majesty shall hear the truth from us; and we fhall make appear the errors of those Divines, who would perfuade us, that a Monarch muft be abfolute, and that he may do all things ad libitum: receding not only from their text, (tho' that be a wand'ring too) but from the way their own profeffion might teach them, ‡ State fuper vias antiquas, and, remove not the antient bounds, and landmarks, which our fathers have fet. If to be abfolute were to be restrained by no laws, then can no King in Chriftendom be fo; for, they all ftand obliged to the laws Christian: and we ask no more; for, to this pillar are our privileges fix'd; our Kings at their coronation tak. ing a facred oath not to infringe them, I am forry these men take no more care to gain our belief of those things which they tell us for our fouls' health; while * + Prov. xi. 29. Virg. Æn. 2. ver. 169. Jerem. || Prov. xxii. 28. vi. 16. while we know them fo manifeftly in the wrong, in that which concerns the liberties, and privileges, of the subjects of England! But, they gain preferment; and then 'tis no matter, tho' they neither believe themselves, nor are believed by others. But, fince they are fo ready to let loose the confciences of their Kings, we are the more carefully to provide for our protection against this pulpit-law, by declaring, and reinforcing the municipal laws of this kingdom. It is worth observing, how new this opinion is, or rather this way of Rifing, even among themselves. For * Mr. Hooker (who fure was no refractory man, as they term it) thinks, that the first government was arbitrary, 'till it was found, that "to live by one man's will, became the "cause of all men's mifery:" (these are his words) concluding, that this was the original of inventing laws. And, if we look further back, our histories will tell us, that the Prelates of this kingdom have often been the mediators between the King and His fubjects, to prefent and pray redress of their grievances; and had reciprocally then as much love, and reverence, from the people. But, these preachers, (more active than their predeceffors, and wiser than the laws) have found out a better form of government! The King must be a more absolute Monarch than any of His predeceffors; and to them He muft owe it: tho' in the mean time they hazard the hearts of his people; and involve Him in a thousand difficulties. For, fuppose this form of government were inconvenient; (and yet this is but a fuppofition; for, these five hundred years it hath not only maintained us in safety, but made us victorious over other nations) but, I fay, fuppofe they have another idea of one more convenient, * Ecclefiaftical Polity, Book 1. Sect. 10. we This conftrained them to come unto laws, wherein all men might fee their duties beforehand, and know the penalties of tranfgreffing them. ibid. |