2. Manoeuvre dans la refonte des monnoies. 3. Fonds du trefor royal fournis clandeftinement pour foutenir l'agiotage. 4 Extenfion d'emprunts. 5. Abus d'autorité, et autres en tous genres. In the Requete, or Memorial, now before us, this gentleman labours to clear himself from thefe difhonourable imputations, and, we think, with confiderable ability. He speaks particularly to the feveral articles. With respect to the fecond, Mal-practices in the recoining of the money, and which is by far the most criminal of any, he declares, Were I really guilty of fraud and peculation, had I appropriated to my own ufe the profits arifing from the re-coinage, and which I am charged with doing, MY PUNISHMENT OUGHT TO BE DEATH.' This is furely the language of truth and innocence! It is however a matter not to be determined by us.-Louis XVI. must be the reviewer here.

In every page of his publication, M. de Calonne is vehement for the clearing of his honour. This, he remarks, may be effected in two feveral ways: either by a declaration from the King, his mafter (who, on examining the ftate of the public expenditure, as exhibited in the prefent work, shall find it to be just and accurate), that he is perfectly fatisfied with his minifter's conductor, in default of this, that is to fay, if any doubt fhall arife in the royal breaft, as to the fairnefs of fuch statement, to allow him to be brought to an immediate and open trial.

Monfieur de Calonne is now in England; and he apologizes to his countrymen for his retreat to a land of liberty, by alleging, that he flew to it not from any confcioufnefs of guilt, but from a defire of securing his papers, &c. which he conceived to be of importance to him with refpect to his juftification; and which, had he remained in France, would probably have been feized by the fame power, which, without any regular proceeding, had attainted the unfortunate writer.-Lettres de Cachet are terrible things!

The minifter concludes his petition and remonftrance-Happy England, where a Frenchman may remonftrate with his King! with the following eulogium on the nation which has afforded him an afylum in the hour of difgrace. We give it in his own words, that the force of the expreffion may not be loft.

-Tels font, Sire, fe vous en ai deja rendu compte, et je crois devoir les retracer publiquement, tels font les feuls et vrais motifs qui m'ont fait quitter à regret les etats de votre Majeflé, et pour lesquels, après m'etre retiré d'abord chez un peuple votre allié, forcé enfuite, par l'accroiffement des troubles qui l'agitoient de m'en éloigner, je fuis venu demander un afile à cette noble et fiere nation, qui ne le refuse jamais au malheur, et que cet apanage honorable de fa liberté eleve autant aux yeux de tout être penfant, que les flottes nombreuses qui couvrent fes portes, et l'induftrieufe activité de fan immenfe commerce. La folitude profonde dans laquelle je m'y fuis renfermé jufqu'à prefent,

pour

pour me livrer tout entier aux foins de me juftifier aux yeux de votre Majefte, fuffiroit feul pour prouver que le foin dans lequel tous mes defirs et toutes mes penfees fe font concentrées, eft l'unique but pour le quel j'ai cherché une flation fure en pays étranger: le même principe me la feroit abandonner, fi pour rendre ma juftification plus éclatante, voire Majesté vouloit qu'elle fut portée devant la premiere cour de fon royaume, dans la forme et avec les furetés que je lui ai demandé la

permission de presenter comme infeparables de ma propofition!' A.B.

ART. VI. Hiftory of the internal Affairs of the United Provinces, from the Year 1780, to the Commencement of Hoftilities in June 1787. Svo. 5s. Boards. Robinsons. 1787.

Ter

O introduce this work, in a proper manner, to our Readers, it will be neceffary to lay before them the declaration made by the Writer:

We have endeavoured to trace with accuracy and impartiality the fources of the parties now exifting in the Republic, the conduct they have held, and the claims that by each of them have been advanced. Our readers may be perfectly affured, that we have in no cafe fuppreffed the mention of any fact of importance, or thrown into fhade any part of the ftory, because it made to the advantage or difadvantage of any one of the parties. Truth has been our only object, and we have felt no motive to incline us to one fide or the other, except where we have been ftruck with the julinefs of a requifition, or with confiderations derived from the beauty of virtue, or the ineftimable value of political freedom.'

The Hiftory of the United Provinces' appears not to be an original performance. We fufpect, indeed, that it comes from the pen of a Dutchman, and where is the Dutchman to be found who, in the prefent ftate of his country, can diveft himself of prejudice and paffion? The Author has no doubt given the hif tory of the inteftine commotions in the States with truth and accuracy; but will any man who perufes the following reflections pronounce him to be candid? Will it be admitted, in fhort, that he is frictly impartial?-the character he fo ftrongly and earneftly contends for:

The reigning Stadtholder has been faid not to be very formidable for his abilities. The advocates of his office have justly obferved, that one of its greateft advantages has confifted in the affording to the Republic a general of great weight and authority, to lead them to war. This advantage has been voluntarily y elded by William V. By his own defire, Louis of Brunfwic retained the fitua tion of Commander of Chief, after the commencement of his majority; and, upon his refignation, it was thought neceffary to invite the Count de Maillebois from the lifts of the Marfhals of France, to fucceed him. The Stadtholder has indeed in no inftance, in the course of an arduous conteft, exhibited any marks of conftancy, magnanimity, or prudence. The imputation against him of having betrayed the interefts of his country to the court of Great Britain, with whom

P

she was at war, is a charge of a very serious nature. And, if we review the whole progrefs of the inquiry into this bufinefs, we must allow, either that the charge is true, or that it has been refifted in a very weak, injudicious, and abfurd manner by the Stadtholder *.

Such are the confiderations that naturally fuggeft themselves in the prefent controverfy between the Stadtholder and the deliberative affemblies of Holland; and perhaps an impartial and juft reafoner will not feel himself inclined warmly to efpoufe the caufe of either of these parties. The advocates of the Stadtholder, particularly fach as are at a distance from the fcene of action, have taken much pains to keep every conûderation of a different nature out of fight, and to reprefent this as the whole of the bufinefs now in agitation. But in reality the question between the monarchical and the ariftocratical branches of the conftitution of Holland will appear to a philofophical mind in a very trivial light, in comparison of the conteft that has been carried on fince the year 1783 in the different towns of the Republic. The citizens of Holland are not treated with the fmallest regard by the original conftitution of the Republic. They are confidered as mere machines, fubordinate to the will, and born to defend the prerogatives, of their fuperiors. But the Dutch have now, with a magnanimity and firmness that have few examples, fhaken off this fituation of contempt. They have afpired to democratical liberty. And, if it will perhaps be found, that they have not carried their ideas upon this fubject to the length of its warmest admirers, yet many of their provifions, and particularly that of a college of tribunes, who fhall have a fhare in the election of the magiftrates and the government of the Republic, must conftitute an important acquifition.

It has been obferved by fome of the friends, and by many of the enemies, of democratical government, that its proper field is the legiflation of a fingle town. It has been faid, that, in an extenfive territory, a government of this fort can never be profperous and ftrong, and the difadvantages that attend it have been laboriously difcuffed. Thefe objections certainly will not be admitted in their utmost force by the friends of liberty; but it may be of advantage to yield them fome degree of attention. It has juftly been obferved, that in America a valuable experiment is now carrying on for the vindication of the character of republicanifm; and it is extremely to be defired, that it may have a happy and a favourable iffue. But the experiment in Holland is little lefs entitled to our attention; and it is by no means accompanied with the fame degree of uncertainty and hazard. In this inftance the experiment is exactly fuch as the most cautious would defire. It refts in fingle towns, where a democracy can feidomeft be productive of mischief, and it meliorates, but does not fubvert, the general conftitution of the states of the United Provinces.

It is difgraceful to Great Britain and to Europe, that the true ftate of this question has been fo little confidered; and that it has

*This charge, as it is called, has its foundation in nothing but the perfecuting fpirit of the patriots. The Prince has repeatedly challenged them for proofs.

been

been fuffered to be in a manner loft in the filly controversy of the aristocracy and the Stadtholder. The democratical reform of the United Provinces, befide all its other advantages, has proceeded upon the nobleft and most substantial bafis. The fpirit of the volunteers of Ireland has frequently been a fubject of admiration and encomium. The inftitution has been equally fuccefsful and respectable in the republic of Holland. And, as the character of the Dutch is the reverfe of that of the Irish, as the former are not lefs diftinguished for inflexibility and perfeverance, than the latter for fickleness and caprice, it is to be hoped that the inftitution will be productive of a more permanent effect. In a word, the banner of liberty, that is now unfurled from the walls of Utrecht, demands the benediction of every friend to mankind, and the cause of the democracy of Holland needs only to be understood, in order to its being confecrated to perpetual veneration.

The fuccefs of the citizens of Holland cannot naturally admit of hesitation. There never was a people that was enflaved, who were determined to be free. If left to themselves, they cannot fail to be more than a match for the mercenary troops of the Prince of Orange. If we can fuppofe them to be attacked by the united power of Great Britain and Pruffia, and deferted by France, they may be borne down for a time, but their caufe can only be destroyed with their exiftence.'

From the above quoted paffages it will be feen, that the Hollanders, from the very commencement of the fubfifting controverfy, have been divided into three diftinct and feparate partiesviz. The Stadtholderian, the Ariflocratical, and the Democratical. The Author of the prefent performance is clearly the advocate for a democracy. We will in this place fay a word or two on the fituation and claims of the Stadtholder, from which we think it may be fairly inferred that the pretenfions of the oppofing factions are criminal, in no fmall degree.

The depofing of the Prince of Orange, or, properly speaking, the fufpending him from his kingly office-for greatly does it partake of royalty-will certainly be thought, by many, to form a remarkable epocha in the hiftory of the Dutch. The word is Liberty but the rabble never diftinguish between licentioufnefs and freedom:

"They call it freedom when themselves are free." They forget that liberty confifts not in anarchy and confufionin violence and outrage. They forget, that in becoming fticklers for freedom, they are guilty of the greateft tyranny; and that a prince, against whom it is impoffible to bring the fmalleft charge of evil government, fhould not be hurried and hunted down by a mob. They feek, indeed, for liberty by the very means which are eventually deftructive of it, as the King of Pruffia, in all probability, will make them feel; and it appears to us, that Frederic the Third, of glorious memory, in his fpirited Memorials, prefented to the States refpecting their con

duct

duct to his relation, had not only at heart the restoring him with honour to the Stadtholdership, but of defending the rights of princes against the invafion of turbulent and factious demagogues, or the ufurpation of an odious and intolerant oligarchy.

Montefquieu confiders the republics of Holland and Switzerland as by far the most perfect of any which have yet been planned. He thinks, indeed, that it is fcarcely poffible to add to their excellence. The ariftocratic fpirit, however, which has fhewn itself among the rulers of the former, proves that he was deceived in its principles of government; that it is capable of corruption as well as other ftates ;-and a reasonable Dutchman might now, perhaps, with for the establishment of monarchywell might be exclaim with the poet,

Half a patriot, half a coward grown,

I fly from petty tyrants to the throne."

In the fituation to which the Stadtholder has been unfortunately reduced, he has fhewn a temper and moderation that do him honour. While an infatuated multitude are endeavouring to wound their country through the fides of its prince, he exhibits not the smallest token of refentment, but labours to restore the provinces to peace and tranquillity. Whatever therefore may be his abilities as a ruler, we have the moft incontrovertible proofs of his virtue as a man. In a word, his humanity and love of juftice, together with the difpofition manifefted by him to fettle the affairs of the republic in the way that might be thought the moft conducive to the happiness of the people,-and this by giving up with cheerfulness a confiderable number of his privileges,-entitle him, in our opinion, to the name and dif tinction of the modern Ariftides:-and though, like the celebrated Athenian, he should be obliged to take refuge in fome other ftate, we are perfuaded that he has equally the welfare of his country in view, and that he will never liften to any propofal which may be detrimental to its interefts, however beneficial to himself *.

With respect to the merits of the work before us, we have already obferved, that facts are recorded in it with fidelity and fairness. It is however, in many places, fo very carelessly written, or perhaps we fhould rather lay tranflated, as frequently to obfcure the meaning. We will fet down, in the following note, three or four of the faulty and inelegant paffages †, in order to fhew

*This article was written before we had intelligence of the reinftatement of the Stadtholder, in confequence of the sudden and fpirited exertions of the Court of Berlin.

+ If Holland cannot be expected to produce perfons of elegant manners, or philofophical difinterested nefs, we may at leaft claim to find in them a nation of patriots.'

• The