wings, and the brood it has hatched has-but let us forbear serpentine expressions. Since the time that the grand confederacy against France took place, the military power of the Dutch by sea and land has been in a manner extinguished, while another power, then scarcely thought of in Europe, has started up-that of Russia, and moves in its own orbit extrinsically of all other systems; but gravitating to each, according to the mass of attracting interest it contains. Another power, against all human expectation, was raised in Europe in the House of Brandenburgh; and the rapid successes of his Prussian Majesty prove him to be born to be the natural assertor of Germanic liberties against the House of Austria. We have been accustomed to look up with reverence to that House, and the phenomenon of another great power in Germany was so very new to us, that for some time he was obliged to attach himself to France, France and Austria united, and Great Britain and Prussia coalesced. Such are the great events by which the balance of power in Europe has been entirely altered since the time of the grand alliance against France. His late Majesty so passionately endeavoured to maintain or revive the ancient balance, that he encountered at home, on that account, opposition to his government, and abroad danger to his person; but he

could not reanimate the Dutch with the love of liberty, nor inspire the Empress Queen with sentiments of moderation. They talk at random, therefore, who impute the present situation of Germany to the conduct of Great Britain. Great Britain was out of the question; nor could she have interposed in it without taking a much greater share than she did. To represent France as an object of terror, not only to Great Britain, but Europe, and that we had mistaken our interest in not reviving the grand alliance against her, was mere declamation. Her ruined armies now returning from Germany without being able, through the opposition of a handful of British troops, to effect any material object, is the strongest proof of the expediency of the Ger

man war.

'The German war prevented the French from succouring their colonies and islands in America, in Asia, and in Africa. Our successes were uniform, because our measures were vigorous.

He had been blamed for continuing the expence of a great marine, after the defeat of M. Conflans. This was a charge that did not surprise him, after the many others which had been made, and which were equally unfounded and malignant. It was said that the French marine,

after that defeat, was in so ruinous a condition that there was not the least occasion for our keeping so formidable a force to watch its motions. It was true, he said, that the French marine was ruined; no man doubted it they had not ten ships of the line fit for service; but could we imagine that Spain, who in a very short time gave him but too much reason to be convinced that his suspicions were well-founded, was not in a common interest with France; and that the Swedes, the Genoese, and even the Dutch would not have lent their ships for hire?

'He begged pardon of the House for detaining them so long; he would detain them but a few minutes longer.

He

The desertion of the King of Prussia, whom he styled the most magnanimous ally this country ever had, in the preliminary articles on the table, he reprobated in the strongest terms. called it insidious, tricking, base, and treacherous. After amusing that great and wonderful Prince, during four months, with promises of the subsidy, he had been deceived and disappointed. But to mark the inveteracy and treachery of the cabinet still stronger, he is selected from our other allies, by a malicious and scandalous distinction in the present articles. In behalf of the

other allies of Great Britain, we had stipulated, that all the places belonging to them, which had been conquered, should be evacuated and restored: But with respect to the places which the French had conquered belonging to the King of Prussia, there was stipulated evacuation only. Thus the French might keep those places until the Austrian troops were ready to take possession of them. All the places which the French possessed belonging to the Elector of Hanover, the Duke of Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse, &c. did not amount to more than ten villages, or about an hundred acres of land; but the places belonging to the King of Prussia they were in possession of, were Cleves, Wesel, Gueldres, &c.

Upon the whole, the terms of the proposed treaty met with his most hearty disapprobation. He saw in them the seeds of a future war. The peace was insecure, because it restored the enemy to her former greatness. The peace was inadequate, because the places gained were no equivalent for the places surrendered.'

He was so ill and faint towards the end of his speech, he could scarcely be heard. He intended to have spoken to some points relative to Spain, but he was unable.

He spoke near three hours; and when he left the House, which was before the division, he was in the greatest agony of pain.

The motion was agreed to by a very large majority.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Addresses on the Peace.-Mr. Pitt against the excise on Cyder.-Lord Bute tampers with the City of London.-Denies it in the House of Lords. -Proved at Guildhall.- A Portrait.-Lord Bute resigns.

THE addresses to the King, which followed the parliamentary approbation of the preliminary articles of peace, were obtained by means equally dishonourable and corrupt. There was one instance where the seal of a corporation was forged, and more than one where it was feloniously obtained. The city of London refused to address, although the sum of fourteen thousand pounds was offered to complete the new bridge at Blackfriars. No means were left untried every where to obtain addresses. The Lord-lieutenants had begging letters sent them to use their influence,