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JUNE, 1889.

Arbitration or the Battering-Ram ? By the Most Rev. Dr. Walsh, Archbishop

of Dublin

The Mystery of our Foreign Relations. By Frederick Greenwood

Orpheus in Rome. By Vernon Lee

Speech and Song. I. By Sir Morell Mackenzie

From Metaphysics to History. By Edwin Hatch, D.D.

The Savage Club. By E. J. Goodman

Dr. Johnson as a Radical. By G. Birkbeck Hill, D.C.L.

Genesis and Some of its Critics. By Sir J. William Dawson, F.R.S.

Madame France and her Brav' Général. By W. T. Stead .

The Volunteers :

I. A Real Volunteer Army. By Colonel C. B. Brackenbury, R.A.

II. A Patriotic Volunteer Fund. By Lord Mayor Whitehead












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AM not quite sure how far I have any right to consider myself

as one of those Liberal Unionists to whom Mr. Frederic Harrison addresses his Appeal in the December number of this REVIEW. He speaks of former co-operation in a great variety of good causes which are somewhat vaguely indicated and rather sensationally described. But I think I may gather from the context that at least in respect of two of these I may come within the privileged communion. As a member of the Government responsible for the Disestablishment of the Church in Ireland, and in having keenly befriended the cause of the Christian population of European Turkey, I hope I may presume to have been acting in that harmony with him on which Mr. Harrison lays so much stress. I cannot say that as regards the Eastern Question I retain a vivid recollection of any very great or very early aid which either he, or the other great leaders of the Liberal party, gave to the cause which ultimately they took up with passion. I have some satisfaction, and yet some sad reflections, in remembering that no tendency to such passion cheered me when, in 1867, long before they did, I ventured in the House of Lords, on the Cretan insurrection, to assert the principle of the real responsibility of the Christian Powers in the tolerated abuses of Turkish Government. No great meeting had then been held in Hyde Park, showing the rising tide of any strong popular emotion. It had not yet become clear that this emotion could be made a lever for the overthrow of the Government. Opportunism had not then seen its moment. The idea may have existed, but it was not ripe" which is the politician's phrase for causes which may be just, but which will not pay. The consequence was that one of the leading Liberal Peers who now follow the Parnellite leaders, the principal speaker who opposed me—supported Lord Derby—and



upheld the hollow tradition of Turkish independence. I do not recollect having at that time roused the sympathies of Mr. Harrison as a leading Liberal. Yet one other occasion I feel sure that I have at least deserved those sympathies. When the Slave States of America set up a rebellion and claimed a right of breaking up the Union, I was one of those—not too many—who maintained that no such right existed, and that the Supreme Government had both the right and the duty of asserting its supremacy even through the dread arbitrament of civil war.

I well recollect Mr. Cobden telling me that, Northern as he was in his sympathies, he could not approve of enforcing the rights of the Union. I do not know what part our Appellant took in that great question in which the highest interests of humanity were at stake. In his hatred of slavery, if not in his love of Central Authorities, and of Imperial Institutions, I think he must have been on the right side, and that therefore I may humbly claim some share in those affecting recollections of former union, on the strength of which he now appeals.

What shocks and surprises him is that we should think and speak of our cause as one representing truth and righteousness against all that is opposite to these. This is certainly our own view. It has been lately very definitely and expressly asserted by Lord Hartington, who is a solid man, not easily carried away by passion or by sentiment. It will be my endeavour in this paper to explain a few of the facts and arguments on which this opinion is founded. It is not a view which compels us to think every man dishonest who is a Parnellite. We know that in politics especially, as well as in some other things, the essential immorality of causes cannot be fairly asserted of their individual supporters. Pure ignorance of many facts, and sincere passion inspired by attractive fallacies, account for a good deal. Simple sheepishness towards some party leader has an extensive influence. Of those leaders themselves it may be said with certainty that among all the “ classes” there is not one more exposed to temptations fatal to a careful and conscientious regard for truth. Some great stroke of tactics is often irresistible. The mere winning in a game is in itself an absorbing passion. Irritation under defeat has a tremen

The rebellion of independent minds may make some men perfectly reckless in the new alliances they form.

These new alliances again are often incompatible with the continued recognition of incongruous and inconvenient truths. On these at least silence must be kept. Then silence passes into neglect, and very soon neglect passes into denial.

We therefore say nothing and assume nothing as regards the moral character of individuals, when we assert with the strongest conviction that the cause which we se, is—as it now stands, and as it is now supported—a cause deeply stained with immoral doctrines, which

dous power.

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