moft laudable intentions, may forget themselves, may be entangled with others, may be led or driven into doing what they greatly disapprove; or may lose all power of stopping mischief, when it is once fet to work; and have nothing left, but to perish with the ship in the storm, which they had helped to raise. These dangers indeed cannot be reasons for complying with every thing; for in vain will heaven have reftored to us our happy form of government, if we suffer it to be a form only. But they are powerful reasons for thinking coolly what deserves oppofition, and oppofing it with temper: for confidering who are the perfons really to blame, in what degree upon the whole they are fo, and how difficult it is not to be fo; for redreffing grievances by no other than regular methods, and waiting for opportunities, not forcing them; for examining faithfully the purity of our own intentions; for asking ourselves often, how far we mean to go; and obferving carefully, what thofe perfons aim at, with whom we are engaged; for weighing well what remedies the public conftitution will bear, under what it will be likely to fink; and feriously recollecting, how great multitudes have their fate involved in that of the whole. There can be no cautions more evidently juft than these, though we had not had experience to teach us fo awfully, that for want of regarding them in the times now before us, no one scheme ended as it was defigned at firft. Every thing was propofed to be reformed into perfection; every thing, inftead of that, was completely brought to ruin; and happy did men think themselves, with very good caufe, when at laft they were able to get back into the fituation, which they had imagined before to be fo intolerable. Now all these things happened unto them for enfamples; and they are written for our admonition *.

Nor let it be replied, that though the bold attempts for reformation and liberty mifcarried then, they may fucceed another time. Let us rather reflect, that though the confufion and flavery, which they introduced, proved but temporary then, the next trial may perpetuate them. Liberty is a bleffing of fuch unspeakable value, that no wonder if the very name of it be dear to men; but the name mifapplied was

fatal

1 Cor. z. II.

fatal to our forefathers, and may be fo to us. Licentioufnefs of speech and writing, a favourite and most entertaining species of liberty to the inconfiderate, had the effects amongst them, which it must have every where; not only of injuring particular perfons in the most fenfible manner, but of destroying that regard to ftations and offices, ranks and orders of men, which must be preserved, or fociety must be diffolved. For when once contending parties, by their mutual accufations and afperfions, have taught the people to think ill, or meanly, of all perfons that are, or can be their governors, what remains for them, but to think in the fame manner of government itself, and treat it accordingly? Confidering, indeed, how artfully men have learnt to disguise these enormities, there may perhaps be no effectual method of restraining them by law, without very great danger of hurtful confequences from the restraint. But to take this advantage for being guilty of them, is a most ungenerous use of freedom against fuch as wish it well, and a moft unwife one against fuch as do not. All good men, therefore, fhould labour unanimously to keep down this bad spirit, each on his own fide; for in vain do we exclaim against what we indulge; and to discountenance it fo ftrongly, by expreffing their private abhorrence of it, that there may be no reason, and no pretence, if poffible, for a public provifion against it. Liberty cannot be fupported any more than power, but by exercifing it with moderation. And they that overturn either, by carrying it to extravagant heights, after fuch warning as Providence hath given us, must neither expect any remedy, nor much pity.

But indeed there are perfons who feem almoft to think that liberty cannot be extended too far; that every diminution of authority is fo much gain, every increase of it so much loss, to the community. Now, if this be true, laws and government are a public nuifance; and if not, men ought to confider what restraints are requifite, as well as what may be abused; and remember, that a right to do things neceffary to be done, must be vested somewhere, and must be exerted. Authority indeed is of a growing nature; but fo is averfion to authority and freedom unreftrained is power unreftrained. No tyrannies have been more infupportable than thofe of the

multitude;

multitude; nor can any perfons be more juftly dreaded, than they who declaim for liberty, in the spirit of perfecution, and demand it with infolence, in the midst of the enjoyment of it. Such behaviour plainly fhews, that, not content with being free, they want to rule; and fince they cannot plead that any harth treatment hath provoked them to these outrages, they are fo far less excufable than fome of their predeceffors in the times of our troubles.

But however strongly we are cautioned against licentiousnefs, by the fufferings of former days, there hath arisen, notwithstanding, in our own, one very fhocking kind of it, almost peculiar to this nation, that of publicly treating religion with contempt; and after magnifying morals merely in oppofition to it, explaining them away to juft nothing. Setting the world at large in these refpects, appears to be a principal point which fome have at heart; whofe character in fcripture might furely have given a more general fufpicion of them than it hath; that while they promife others liberty, they are themselves the fervants of corruption *. And too many, who have no defign of contributing to the progrefs of irreligion, fee it, however, with great tranquillity. Let men think, let men act just as they will, provided they are not bigots, but perfons of free principles, the public is fafe, and all is well. But is it fafe that they fhould be bigots to atheism, bigots to profligatenefs? Or can it be a matter of indifference, whether they have a good and right rule of conduct, though it were with some mistakes; or whether they have none at all, or quite a wrong one? We own, that falfe notions about religion were one great cause of the fufferings of this nation; but so were false notions about freedom another. And why are mistakes, or even wilful abuses, a reafon for trampling upon the former, when they are not thought a reafon against exalting the latter without bounds? We own, that fuperftition and enthufiafm ought to be guarded against; and that this is a moft important leffon of providence to us on this day. But it cannot be right to guard against them, by rooting out of mens minds the reverence due to the Author of Nature; or by taking methods, which, in the natural course

of

2 Pet. ii. 19:

of things, will bring one or both of them back upon us, as perhaps we have begun to experience; or at least will bring evils not lefs formidable. Public happiness cannot fubfift without focial virtue and moral felf-government; nor can either of these fubfift without regard to God. Nothing but the thought of his feeing and rewarding, can poffibly have force fufficient, in all cases, to restrain men's paffions, to counterbalance their prefent interefts, to excite the indolent, keep the enterprising within due bounds, and unite all in making the common good their common end.

We fhall, therefore, neglect the most important counfels of Providence on this day, if we learn not from fo inftructive a difpenfation of it, that just sense of our duty to the Governor and Lawgiver of the world; which, if our forefathers had preferved, thefe miferies had never happened; and, if we preferve, they will never happen more. For as, on the one hand, religion enforces powerfully that neceffary caution expreffed by the prophet Ezra : Seeing thou our God baft promifed us less than our iniquities deserve, and haft given us fuch deliverance as this, fhould we again break thy commandments, wouldst thou not be angry with us, till thou haft confumed us*; fo on the other, it fupports us with that noble confidence expreffed by the prophet Samuel: Fear not; but ferve the Lord with all your heart: for the Lord will not forfake his people, for his great name's fake. Only fear the Lord, and ferve him in truth: for confider how great things he hath done for yout.

• Ezra ix. 13, 14.

† 1 Sam. xii. 20, 22, 24.

SER

SERMON CXXXI.

(Preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, in the Parish Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, on Friday, February 20. 1740-1.

ON CHRISTIAN BENEVOLENCE AND COMPASSION TO THE SaVAGE AND BARBAROUS NATIONS.

MARK vi. 34.

And Jefus, when he came out, faw much people; and was moved with compaffion towards them, because they were as fbeep not having a shepherd: and he began to teach them many things.

THIS paffage of the evangelift expreffes, in so strong and

engaging a manner, the benevolent temper of our blessed Lord, and his tender regard to the spiritual wants of men, that, if we suffer our minds to dwell upon it a while, it cannot fail of exciting the fame difpofition in us; especially if we confider, that the view which he is here defcribed to have had of their deftitute condition, not only induced him to teach them himself many things concerning the kingdom of God*, but caufed that moft ferious reflection and exhortation, The barveft truly is plenteous, but the labourers are few: pray ye, therefore, the Lord of the harvest, that he will fend forth labourers into his harveft +, immediately after which, he fent forth his twelve difciples to preach the gospel ‡; as he did the Seventy at another time, on the very fame motive, mentioned by another evangelift in the very fame words §: thus opening