of civilization It is in cities that have been discovered those inventions which have given an impulse to the education of the human mind. Priests and princes may have devised hieroglyphics and cuneiform writing, but nobody will deny that the alphabet was invented by merchants and manufacturers. Therefore, gentlemen, I trust that my election to the great office to which I have been raised may not be any impediment to the natural flow of the dispositions of the citizens of Glasgow, and that during the period that I may exercise any influence over the conduct of the University it will not be recorded as one in which it made no advance in its material fortunes.

Now, my Lord Provost and gentlemen, let me offer you my thanks for the distinction which you have conferred on me to-day. There is nothing which animates public men more than the prospect that they may obtain the sympathy and respect of their fellow citizens. It is acts like these and scenes like these that sustain men in the turmoil and struggle of public life. Here we meet that approbation which is the great meed of public efforts; to live in the affections and afterwards in the memory of our fellow subjects is what every man looks to as the chief object of his career. I shall not forget the new position which I have occupied this day. I shall show at all times, not only that I am proud of the distinction

36 Speech on receiving Freedom of City of Glasgow.

which you have conferred upon me, but that I am faithful to the duties which it entails, and if ever the rights and interests of the city of Glasgow are invaded or imperilled there will be at least, I assure you, one Burgess on whose efforts to maintain them

not fail to rely.

you need

37

REPLY TO THE ADDRESS OF THE SHORT TIME COMMITTEE OF SCOTCH OPERATIVES, Nov.

23, 1873.

MR. DISRAELI said

GENTLEMEN,-I remember my support of the Ten Hours Bill as one of the most satisfactory incidents of my life, and therefore I need not say that I sympathize generally with your views. That measure was opposed by persons of great influence and by many parties in the State, and at one time it seemed impossible that it could have succeeded, because then neither of the two great parties avowedly upheld it. But as time advanced it was successful in its progress, and I am glad to say that those with whom I act generally in public life uniformly and unanimously upheld it; and they have been repaid for the great effort which they made-because it was not made without sacrificeby the results. It has tended to the elevation of the working classes of this country. That elevation depends upon two causes. If their wages rise and

their hours of labour diminish they are placed in a most favourable position; and if they do not avail themselves of the position they only prove that they are unworthy of it.

With regard to the first point, involving financial considerations—I refer to wages-no legislation can interfere. The rate of wages must be left to those inexorable rules of political economy to which we must all bow. They depend on demand and supply; but when you come to the hours of labour you then enter into social considerations, and in these the Legislature can interfere, and, if we use discretion and wisdom, no doubt to the advantage of the country and the working classes.

With regard to the particular point brought before me, it is not for the first time. Two years ago, in the centre of British industry, the great county of Lancaster, the glory of England, I received many communications and many deputations on the subject. I said at that time that it was unnecessary for me to state that I was favourable to the general policy, but as regarded the details of their particular proposal I requested that I should have confidence placed in me by the working classes; that they would allow me to consider its details when brought before Parliament in the shape of a practical measure, and that I could not pledge myself beyond a general sympathy with their cause. Since that time I have

omitted no opportunity of making myself acquainted with the details of the subject brought before me to-day. I have communicated with great employers of labour. I have received from them much information, and I have made myself acquainted with their views, and all I can say now is that the result of my deliberations and of my researches is favourable to the views which you uphold; but I reserve to myself the right, for your interests as much as my own, to take care that whenever this subject is discussed I should be considered perfectly free.

I should be opposed to any change in which the general sympathies of the employers were not with the employed. I believe, myself, that with dispassionate discussion, and with those inquiries proceeding in an impartial spirit to which I have referred, the result would be that there would be very little difference of opinion between the working classes generally and their employers; but I should desire that in making any alterations of this kind there should be a general concurrence of sentiment. only wish to make one reference to an observation made by one member of this deputation, that I should subserve the interests of the Conservative party by carrying out the views which you have expressed. That member of the deputation may rest assured that in upholding these views I am not guided by the

I