the world resolved to support him with all their hearts. This is the resolution:

"Resolved, That by the election of James K. Polk, and the defeat of Henry Clay, a substantial victory will be gained by the Constitution, -the Presidential power and influence will be in the hands of a Southern man, a friend of free trade, and identified with us in our institutions, and an enemy of the protective policy and Abolitionism! and we ought not, by any action of our State, to embarrass or lessen the chances of his election, in which much may be gained, or cause his defeat, by which so much must be lost, and by which we shall draw on ourselves the blame of our friends in other States, change their kind feelings into coldness, perhaps resentment and hostility, by unnecessarily weakening and embarrassing them, and thus increasing the numbers and spirit of our enemies, and adding to our difficulties in obtaining justice."

Now please remember, all ye citizens of Pennsylvania, — please remember, all ye who are tariff men, and who are yet disposed to follow the party, and to vote for Mr. Polk, - please remember, I say, one and all, that the fixed, unalterable antitariff men of the South support Mr. Polk, because they regard him as one of themselves.

We have recently, Gentlemen, seen a published letter from Mr. H. L. Pinkney, of Charleston, S. C., a gentleman of much personal respectability, and of high standing with his political friends. The letter was written to the committee of what was called the Macon Democratic Mass Meeting, and it was dated the 19th of August last.

In this letter Mr. Pinkney says,

"It is the policy of the Whigs, and some of our Democrats, too, to represent Colonel Polk as a protectionist, in consequence of his recent letter to Mr. Kane of Philadelphia. But no charge was ever more unfounded. It is contradicted by the whole tenor of his political life. It is refuted by all his speeches and votes in relation to the tariff, for a long series of years.

"His doctrine of a tariff for revenue as the primary object, with incidental protection to manufactures, is the very doctrine of South Carolina. It is the doctrine of the Baltimore Convention, in which he concurs, and which has been generally assented to by the Democratic party of South Carolina. It is the doctrine of the celebrated exposition published by the Legislature of this State, and has always been recognized as the creed of the State Rights party."

policy. Will capital be employed to bring out the mineral wealth of this great State, if it be doubtful whether those so employing it will be protected in their enterprise or not? No! Once more I say, most assuredly, No! What the country needs is security and stability; a permanent, settled policy, that enterprising and industrious men may be enabled to give direction to their capital and means, and labor with the assurance, with the unshaken confidence, that there will be no violent fluctuation in the state of the law.

Gentlemen, the citizens of Massachusetts have no especial interest of their own in favoring the coal and iron of Pennsyl

I have one more proof to lay before you, and I then take leave of this part of the subject. It is the declaration of Mr. Holmes of Charleston, a man of lead and influence with his friends, and now member of Congress from that city.

After Mr. Polk had been nominated, at Baltimore, some of Mr. Holmes's political friends wrote to him, propounding certain questions relating to Mr. Polk, and calling with emphasis for answers. The first question was this:

"Are you in favor of the election of Mr. Polk and Mr. Dallas, the Democratic candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States; and are you, or not, of the opinion that the vote of South Carolina should be given, in good faith, for them?"

The second question was this:

"Whatever may be your opinion of Mr. Polk's ability, in the event of his election, to effect a repeal of the tariff of 1842, and to break down the protective system, have you any doubt of the sincerity of his opposition to the entire system of protection, and that the influence of his high office will be in good faith exerted to subvert it?"

To these questions Mr. Holmes returned the following prompt,

brief and with

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WHIG CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA.

as to dishearten its friends, and make them turn from it with disgust. This is a thing of the deepest interest. It rests with you of Pennsylvania to decide this; for without the vote of Pennsylvania, I undertake to say, he cannot be elected President of the United States. It is for you to say. Give me your assurance that he will not get the vote of Pennsylvania, and I will give you my assurance that he will not be elected President of the United States. Any man may make the canvass, any man may go over the votes from Maine to Missouri, and he will, he must, be convinced that it is absolutely certain that Mr. Polk cannot be elected without the vote of the Keystone State! And it is equally certain, that without the vote of this State he remains at home, a private and respectable citizen of the State of Tennessee.

I wish every man in Pennsylvania to consider this, that on his vote, and the vote of his fellow-citizen, his neighbor, or his kinsman, depends the issue whether Mr. Polk be elected President or not. And I say that any man who attempts to convey the impression to another, any man of information, whether it be done in the highways or by-ways, in parlor or kitchen, in cellar or garret, any man, who shall be found telling another that Mr. Polk is in favor of the tariff, means to cheat an honest Pennsylvanian out of the fair use of the elective franchise! And if there be not spirit enough in Pennsylvania to repel so gross a misrepresentation, then Pennsylvania is not that Pennsylvania which I have so long respected and admired.

I am admonished, my friends, by the descent of the sun, that I must bring my remarks to a close. I was desirous of saying a few words to you about Texas. (Cries of "Go on!" "Go

In 1780 the Legislature of Pennsylvania passed the act abolishing slavery in this State. It was introduced by a grateful acknowledgment to God for the achievement of American liberty, for that assistance by which the people had been enabled to break the chains of a foreign power, and by the enjoyment and assumption of a duty conformable to that, to do all that they could to break all other chains and set the world free.

That preamble was the work of your fathers; they sleep in honored graves; there is not, I believe, one man living now who was engaged in that most righteous act. There are words in that preamble fit to be read by all who inherit the blood, by all who bear the name, by all who cherish the memory, of an honored and virtuous ancestry. And I ask every one of you now present, ere eight-and-forty hours pass over your heads, to turn to that act, to read that preamble, and if you are Pennsylvanians the blood will stir and prompt you to your duty. There are arguments in that document far surpassing any thing that my poor ability could advance on the subject, and there I leave it.*

In answering an invitation to address the citizens of Pennsylvania, in another place, a short time ago, I observed that I had a desire to say a few words to the people of the State. I have now said them. I have said, and I repeat, that the result of the approaching election rests much in your hands. You may decide it favorably to the interests and honor of the country. Without your concurrence, Mr. Polk cannot be chosen. I wish to state this to you, and to leave it with you, in the strongest possible manner.

We are all, in Massachusetts, interested in the manner you give your votes at the coming Presidential election, and you are as much interested in the manner in which we give ours. But there is another election to be shortly decided in this State besides the Presidential election. It would ill become me to interfere in the elections by another State of its own State officers. I will not do so farther than to say, that the manner in which this first election of yours is conducted, and shall result, will have a great effect on the hopes and prospects of the Whigs in reference to that which is so soon to come after it.

*See preamble to the act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania for the gradual abolition of slavery, passed 1780, Pennsylvania Laws, Vol. I. p. 492.

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I need not tell you that there is a great curiosity among the Whigs of other States, curiosity is a term that is not strong enough for the feeling that exists, there is a deep and strong anxiety prevailing all over the Union in relation to the way in which the Whigs shall conduct the next election in this State. Because it is perfectly plain to every one, that if the venerable man who was introduced to you this day,*- if that distinguished son of this great State, who was recently here on this platform, shall be elected Governor, there will be a brightening of the political skies, at the sight of which every true Whig in the Union will rejoice.

I have a few words to say to the people of this city, this fair and beautiful Philadelphia, this city of the Declaration of Independence, this city in which was matured and perfected the glorious Constitution of the United States, this noble city, which is connected with so much of the early history of our country and its subsequent prosperity! Can there be a doubt of the side which this city will take in the coming contest? I ask every young man to sit down and ask his conscience how he can give a vote for the subversion of all the best interests and the only correct policy of our beloved country! I ask every old man to remember the past, to reflect on the policy, the principles, and the men of other times, and to consider if all in that past does not prompt him to one course of action!

Fellow-citizens of Pennsylvania! There are subordinate questions, on which those may differ, without great injury, who agree in general principles. And there are questions of a temporary interest, in regard to which a wrong decision made now may be corrected hereafter. Such are not the questions now before us. The questions now before us touch, and touch vitally, great, and deep, and permanent interests of the country.

On these questions, brethren of the same principles must not differ. In saying this, while I look round about me, and see who compose this vast assembly, I have not, I hope, transcended the bounds of propriety. You understand me. I need not press the point more explicitly.

When great principles of government are at stake, when high and lasting interests are at hazard, I repeat, that, in such a crisis,

* General Markle, the Whig candidate for Governor.

friends must not allow themselves to divide upon questions respecting men, so as to defeat or endanger all their own dearest objects.

What we now do, we cannot undo. We do it once, and we do it for our generation, perhaps for ever. And so much of all our highest interests, our truest prosperity, and our best hopes depends on having this work well done, that I say once more,I say it from the very bottom of my heart,-I say it with the most profound conviction of its importance, - brethren of the same principles must not be allowed to differ with regard to

men.