were looking only to theirs. Take a supposed instance, for example, in the case of Massachusetts and Rhode Island. Massachusetts had manufactures, Rhode Island had not. Massachusetts laid duties on imported goods, Rhode Island did not. The consequence would be, that the goods taxed by Massachusetts in her seaport towns would be brought free into Newport or Providence, and it would only be by a cordon of custom-houses throughout the whole extent of her border, that Massachusetts could prevent the introduction of those goods into her territories.

The case is suppositious, but I speak to Massachusetts men who understand the effect of such a system, whose fathers experienced it, and I tell them that this obvious effect produced in Massachusetts, as much as any thing, the disposition to come under a general government, and to ratify the Constitution. It was, in fact, the full belief of the people, that this power of laying discriminating duties was granted to Congress, as part of the revenue power, and that it would be exercised. They had a right to expect, and did expect, that it would be used beneficially for their interests.

The whole history of the country from 1783 to 1788 proves this. That history is as important as that of any period of our national existence. We see in it the then infant States struggling under a load of debt incurred in the sacred cause of the Revolution, struggling under the extinction of commerce and prostration of manufactures, and struggling all in vain. These things produced that strong disposition which prevailed from 1784 to 1788, to establish a uniform system of commercial regulations, and extend also all proper encouragement to manufactures.

Gentlemen, a native of Massachusetts, certainly inferior to none in sagacity, and whose name confers honor upon the whole country, Dr. Benjamin Franklin, in 1787, indicated his sentiments upon these points in a very remarkable manner. The convention to deliberate upon the formation of the Constitution was held in Philadelphia, in May, 1787. Dr. Franklin was, if I remember aright, the President, as the office was then called, of Pennsylvania, and was chosen also as a member of the convention. As the delegates were assembling, he invit ed them to a meeting at his house, on which occasion a paper

on this subject was read, which was subsequently printed, and to extracts from which I would call your attention. They will show you what were the sentiments of Dr. Franklin. They prove that far-sighted sagacity, which could discern what was then visible to so few eyes; and that wisdom, which pointed out a course so greatly beneficial.

Let me now revert to the opinions of Massachusetts in this respect; to this good old Bay State, whose citizens we are proud to be, and whose early espousal of the cause of a national government is so well known. I will observe, first, that at the time these opinions were sanctioned by Dr. Franklin, and, indeed, till a very recent period, the manufacturers of the country were shop-workmen; tailors, hatters, smiths, shoemakers, and others, who wrought in their own shops; but still the principle is the same as if they were banded into corporations. He who denies to Congress the power to protect manufactures, as now carried on, denies protection as much to every individual workman as to Andover or Lowell. Let all classes of artisans; in the cities and villages, think well of this.

Now, Gentlemen, it so happened, that, in the years of severe disaster between the peace and the formation of the Constitution, the merchants and mechanics of Boston had their attention called to the subject, and their proceedings, only a little earlier than the paper just referred to, sprang from the same sense of necessity. I will trouble you to listen to some of them, which I gather from the publications of that day.

At a numerous and respectable meeting of "the merchants, traders, and others, convened at Faneuil Hall," on Saturday, the 16th of April, 1785, the following, among other resolutions, were adopted:

"Whereas no commercial treaty is at present established between these United States and Great Britain, and whereas certain British merchants, factors, and agents from England are now residing in this town, who have received large quantities of English goods, and are in expectation of receiving further supplies, imported in British bottoms, or otherwise, greatly to the hinderance of freight in all American vessels; and as many more such persons are daily expected to arrive among us, which threatens an entire monopoly of all British importations in the hands of such

See Appendix, No. I.

merchants, agents, or factors, which we apprehend will operate to the prejudice of the interest of this country; therefore, to prevent as far as possible the evil tendency of such persons continuing among us (excepting those of them who shall be approved by the selectmen), and to discourage the sale of their merchandise, we, the merchants, traders, and others of the town of Boston, do agree,—

"First, That a committee be appointed to draft a petition to Congress, representing the embarrassments under which the trade now labors, and the still greater to which it is exposed; and that the said committee be empowered and directed to write to the several seaports in this State, requesting them to join with the merchants in this town in similar applications to Congress, immediately to regulate the trade of the United States agreeably to the powers vested in them by the government of this Commonwealth; and also to obtain instructions to their representatives at the next General Court, to call the attention of their delegates in Congress to the importance of bringing forward such regulations as shall place our commerce on a footing of equality.

"Voted, That the said committee be requested to write to the merchants in the several seaports of the other United States, earnestly recommending to them an immediate application to the legislatures of their respective States to vest such powers in Congress (if not already done) as shall be competent to the interesting purposes aforesaid, and also to petition Congress to make such regulations as shall have the desired effect.

"Voted, That we do pledge our honor that we will not directly or indirectly purchase any goods of, or have any commercial connections whatever with, such British merchants, factors, or agents as are now residing among us, or may hereafter arrive, either from England or any part of the British dominions (excepting such persons as shall be approved as aforesaid), and we will do all in our power to prevent all persons acting under us from having any commercial intercourse with them, until the salutary purposes of these resolutions shall have been accomplished."

So far the merchants. Now what said the mechanics, the artisans, the shop-workmen, to this? At an adjourned meeting of persons belonging to those classes at the Green Dragon Tavern, on Monday, the 25th of April, 1785, the following resolutions, among others, were passed:

"Voted, that a committee be appointed by this body to draft a petition to the next General Court, setting forth the difficulties the manufacturers of this town labor under by the importation of certain articles (to be 15

VOL. II.

enumerated in the petition), and praying a prohibition, or that such duties may be laid as will effectually protect the manufacture of the

same.

"Voted, That we do bear our public testimony against sending away our circulating cash for foreign remittances, as this practice, we conceive, is calculated to impoverish the country, to distress individuals in the prosecution of their business and in the payment of their taxes.

"Voted, That a committee be appointed to write to the committee of merchants and traders of this town, inclosing them a copy of these votes, and desiring a mutual correspondence on the subject."

The committee appointed under the foregoing resolution addressed the following letter to "the Committee of Merchants, Traders, and others":

"Boston, April 26, 1785.

“GENTLEMEN,—We, being appointed by the tradesmen and manufacturers of this town to inform you what measures they have adopted at this important crisis of our affairs, beg leave to inclose a copy of their proceedings, which they hope will meet with your approbation.

"We shall, by all measures in our power, endeavor to cultivate that harmony so essentially necessary at this time, and recollect with pleasing satisfaction the union that has always subsisted between the merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers of this town; we should regret if any measures should be now adopted by either, to impair that affection which it has ever been our happiness to boast.

"But as the several branches of our occupations have of late been materially affected by European importations, we conceive ourselves in duty bound to prevent, if possible, those supplies either by foreigners or our own merchants.

"We have therefore voted a petition to be presented to the next General Court for this purpose, and as we doubt not the sincerity of your declaration to encourage the manufactures of this country,' we trust you will support with your whole influence any measures calculated to promote so desirable an object.

"We are, Gentlemen, with every sentiment of esteem,

"Your obedient and humble servants,
JOHN GRAY,

BENJAMIN AUSTIN, JR.,
SAMUEL G. JARVIS,

JOHN SKINNER,

SARSON BELCHER.

"To the Committee of Merchants, Traders, and others."

Well, how did the merchants receive this? I will show you. Here is a letter, signed in their behalf, by that great patriot, and prince of merchants, John Hancock. Here was a full coöperation between merchants and manufacturers, for the united support of their own interests.

"Boston, May 2, 1785.

"GENTLEMEN, — Your communications of the 26th ult. were interesting and agreeable. Our situation is truly critical. To the United States in Congress we look for effectual relief, and to them we have accordingly appealed.

"We rejoice to find our sentiments and views harmonizing with yours, and hope that our united exertions will be crowned with the desired

success.

"We shall cheerfully use what influence we have in promoting and encouraging the manufactures of our country, and for obtaining at the next General Court such restrictions and excises as may have so happy a tendency.

"We derive great support from that unanimity which appears to actuate our respective proceedings, and while that subsists we can no more despair of the commerce, trade, and manufactures, than of the liberties of America.

"We are, Gentlemen, with much esteem,

"Your most humble servants,

"JOHN HANCOCK,

In the name and in behalf of the Committee of Merchants, Tradesmen, and others.

"TO JOHN GRAY, ESQ., Chairman of the Committee of Tradesmen, Manufacturers, &c."

But the mechanics did not limit their addresses to the merchants of Boston. They addressed a spirited and sensible letter to all the tradesmen and manufacturers of Massachusetts, in which the same topics are urged with force and earnestness.*

Now, what is all this? and what does it prove? Why, though at peace with England, our ships could not visit her ports, or, in fact, those of any European nation. We had no national flag; we were unknown upon the seas; consequently, British vessels enjoyed the monopoly of our trade. great, indeed, was the depression among all classes, that some gentlemen, who had a little property left from the Revolu

* See Appendix, No. II.

So