of the Exchequer, a man of afpiring views and deep defigns, making, as it was affirmed, fecret advances to the Ex-minifter, Lord Rockingham, for the removal of the Duke of Grafton, with whom he had been for some time on terms by no means the most cordial. Disappointed, but not difcouraged, at the rejection of his overtures, this verfatile and refilefs genius foon turned his attention to a different and oppofite quarter, ftill preferving however the appearances of friendship to

the Duke.

During the courfe of the preceding fummer, riots and tumults had in various parts of the kingdom taken place in confequence of the high price of provifions, and the magiftrates were at length obliged to call in the military to the aid of the civil power. Many lives were loft, and a fpecial commiffion was iffucd for the trial of the numerous rioters apprehended, who were nevertheless treated with every degree of lenity that the nature of the crime would perinit. Few examples were made— the fentence of the majority being mitigated to transportation, and many receiving a free pardon. The inceffant rains which fell during the fummer and harveft months afforded however a very alarming profpect of increafing fcarcity; and it was thought expedient in the autumn, when the extreme deficiency of the crop was fully afcertained, to iffue by virtue of the royal authority an embargo

bargo on the exportation of corn, though as yet below the fixed and legal ftandard*.

When the Parliament met at the usual season, it was found indifpenfably requifite to bring in a Bill of Indemnity, in order to prevent any profecutions, in the courts of law, of the Officers of the Crown concerned in the execution of the act. But it was remarked, that though this bill provided for the indemnity of the executors of the proclamation, it made no mention of the ADVISERS. The amendment

* A fucceffion of wet and unfavorable feasons may fufficiently account for the extraordinary scarcity which prevailed at this particular period; but the grand and interefting problem yet remains to be folved: WHEREFORE is it, that the means of subfiftence have been for thirty years paft lefs eafily attainable by the bulk of the people than at any former æra?-that while on the one hand our ears are foothed and delighted with those annual parliamentary prolufions, in which the profperity of the nation is defcribed in the most brilliant and glowing colors of eloquence, on the other our eyes are grieved and fhocked at the display of wretchedness and misery which the habitations of the poor every where exhibit? Whence is it that the poors' rates are so alarmingly increased, that the workhouses of the kingdom are crowded, and the villages deserted?—that the laborer is bereft of the comforts which once made his cottage the abode of contentment; his family pining under the accumulated evils of cold, nakednefs, and hunger? That this is an ideal picture, those who move in the gay and splendid circles of fashion would no doubt willingly affect to believe: but the evidence of facts is too ftrong to be refifted or weakened by a pompous parade of words; and where fuch a state of things exifts, to talk of the profperity

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amendment propofed in confequence of this omiffion occafioned fome warm altercation. The Lords Chatham and Camden, in their too eager vindication of the late exertion of prerogative, maintained "that no indemnity was wanting for thofe who had advised the Crown to adopt this wife and neceffary meafure. Citing the words of LOCKE, they afferted, "that it was ridiculous to fuppofe any ftate without the power of providing for the public fafety in great emergencies." This power muft in profperity of the country is a grofs abufe of language. Effects fo fatal must no doubt originate in fomething radically wrong in the general system. Two caufes obviously present themselves as jointly and powerfully co-operating to their production: 1. The enormous increase of the national debt, which is in fact only a taxation of the poor householder for the benefit of the rich stockholder; and, 2. The vaft and prodigious fortunes amaffed by individuals, particularly by the oppreffors and plunderers of the Eaft, which have contributed more than is eafily conceivable to the rapid and aftonishing increase of luxury, i. e. of the confumption of fuperfluities, which has an immediate and irrefiftible tendency to raise the price of the neceffaries of lifewhile by the exceffive influx of wealth the value of money is perpetually decreasing.. Thus the blood we have fo profufely fhed in our fucceffive wars, the treasures we have lavifhed, and the treasures we have extorted, all combine to induce a state of political debility, languor, and decay, in which it may be truly affirmed “that the whole head is fick, and the whole heart is faint." And as there is no prospect of a change of system, it muft neceffarily terminate in a catastrophe, which will be the more dreadful in proportion as it is procraftinated by artificial and temporary expedients.

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all focieties be lodged fomewhere, and in ours it is lodged in the King. This doctrine their Lordfhips concurred in affirming to be by no means fubverfive of the fecurity of the conftitution, or contrary to the spirit of liberty, as it can only be reduced to practice on occafions of extreme neceffity, when the Parliament does not fit, and cannot be conveniently affembled." At any rate the evil cannot be very formidable, fince at worst, faid Lord Camden in the unguarded warmth of debate, IT IS BUT A FORTY DAYS TYRANNY; and there feems to be but little foundation for indemnifying those who have only neglected the letter in order the better to preserve the spirit of the law.",

In reply to these reasonings it was urged with great force by Lord Mansfield, who diftinguished himself in the debate," that the law of England knew of no power of fufpenfion in the prerogative that if the plea of neceffity is once admitted, and the Crown allowed to be the fole judge of that neceffity, the power of the Crown would be unlimited; for there is no cafe to which it might not be made to extend, and difcretion would quickly degenerate into defpotifin. For this reafon the wifdom of the Legiflature has deprived the Crown of all difcretionary power over pofitive laws. Though Parliaments are not immortal, their acts never fleep; they are not to be evaded by flying into a fanctuary-no, not even that of neceffity. The

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LAW is above the King, and he as well as the fubject is as much bound by it during the recefs as during the feffion of Parliament; because no point of time or emergent circumstance can alter the constitution, or create a right not antecedently inherent. Thefe only draw forth into action the power which before exifted, but was quiefcent. If the Crown has a legal right to fufpend or violate one law, it must have the fame right to violate another, and another, till the whole system of our jurifprudence is overturned. A just regard to the fafety of the Sovereign, and to the LIBERTY of the SUBJECT, render it neceffary for us to fhut up every avenue to tyranny, that, as it has hitherto been, fo it may continue to be, the distinguishing characteristic of our Kings, that their authority is the authority of the laws, and that they reign over freemen, and not over flaves*." Impreffed by

* General Lee, in a letter written December 1766, to his correfpondent the Prince de * * * fays, "Lord Mansfield lately drew upon him the laugh of the House of Lords, by making use of the term 'liberty of the subject,' and expreffing great regard for it-Conway is ftill Secretary of State, and much regarded as a man of ability and integrity-Lord Shelburne, the other Secretary, has furpaffed the opinion of the world; he speaks well, and is very diftinct in office-The Duke of Grafton is an abfolute orator, and has a fair character-An Irishman, one Mr. Burke, is fprung up in the Houfe of Commons, who has aftonished every body with the power of his eloquence, and comprehenfive knowledge in all our exterior and internal politics.

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