Графични страници
PDF файл
ePub

vacillation on a matter of such grave | into extravagant and unwise building proimportance as that which engages us jects, and having spent a certain sum of this evening. Yet what has been the money without any adequate result, cannot conduct of Her Majesty's Ministers on reconcile themselves to the fact that the this subject? Are they free from the money is wasted, and are so tempted into imputation of vacillation and inconsist- fresh expenditure. That is the position in ency, which the right hon. Secretary which we find ourselves; that is the hisfor War indiscreetly, unjustly, and tory of the proceedings of Her Majesty's without offence to him-I think, so un- Government, who commenced the evening truly, throws on the men among whom by charging the House of Commons with he sits? What was the origin of this vacillation and inconsistency with regard great scheme of fortification? A paper to this important question. was laid on the table that prepared the The noble Lord has criticised some of House for an expenditure of £11,500,000. the remarks made my hon. Friend the When the House was prepared for this Member for Stamford. I confess it apexpenditure by that paper, the Prime pears to me that of all the observations Minister explained the plan, and in the that have been made this evening those course of his speech the £11,500,000 remarks of my hon. Friend were the most came down to £9,000,000. In the course pertinent. They really touched the very of the same evening the then Secretary point on which we want information. We of War, following up with a more lumi- are told that certain sums are expended in nous comment the exposition of the Prime certain works; but we want to know what Minister, reduced the future liability for sums and where are they expended? It carrying on these works to £5,000,000. is only when we have this information And the present Secretary of War has to- before us that we can form any practical night informed the Committee that their opinion of these works. The noble Lord's cost will be £6,500,000. There appears, plan of defending our arsenals seaward by therefore, to have been, if not inconsistency, forts has really been demolished by the at least great vacillation in the opinions general opinion of the country. I appreof Her Majesty's Ministers on this sub- hend that the general opinion as to the ject. It is brought forward in a manner creation of inland arsenals has produced that deprives this House of its privilege the same result. But as to the third porof examining details; yet, even as to tion of the noble Lord's scheme, that of the financial part of the question, the the land defences, which has been comopinions of the Government have been thus menced, which has been carried on for varied, contrary, and vacillating. And if some time, and on which large sums have we pursue the measure, do we find want- been expended, it is utterly impossible ing that character of vacillation and in- the House of Commons can give any pracconsistency which attended the inception tical opinion, unless they have some further and introduction of this project? Why information as to the amount of the exthis scheme may be divided under three penditure and the places where it is to be heads; there is the plan for land defences incurred. These are the points we ought of our arsenals; there is the plan for the to have before us, and which we should defence of our arsenals seaward; and there have had before us if this business had is the plan for the creation of inland arse- been brought under our consideration in nals. Well, the plan for the defence of the usual Parliamentary manner. It is our arsenals seaward is, I apprehend, re- on that ground, but not on that ground linquished; the plan for the creation of alone, that my hon. Friend objected to the inland arsenals is also abandoned. And form in which this subject is introduced what has become of the third portion of to the House. He objected to it upon the plan? I would ask those Gentlemen grounds which I thought must have been who impute vacillation and inconsistency shared in by all the Members of the House, to the House what becomes of the third that the last resource we should adopt to plan on which they insist that for the defray this expenditure is a loan. land defences of our arsenals? The noble noble Lord has introduced a very stale Lord has this moment made an appeal ad story, which involves a very demoralizing misericordiam to the House, and says it doctrine in finance. He seems to think will cost more to put an end to this pro- that posterity is a pack-horse, always ready ject than to carry it into effect. Why, this to be loaded. And I think the principle is the excuse men make who have entered of finance the noble Lord promulgated to

The

night throws some light on that remarkable | the due consideration which he had not contrast between the policy of the Chancel- then, at the fag end of a Session, had an lor of the Exchequer, during the last three opportunity of giving, objects to the prinyears, and the expenditure recommended ciple on which it is proposed to raise the by the noble Lord. We have had a war public money for this purpose, he is acexpenditure in time of peace, combined, cused of having altogether departed from and erroneously combined, with a system the views which he once entertained. of finance that only a peace expenditure But has not the noble Lord himself, let could justify. The consequences of that me ask, changed his views on the subject combination may alarm us and other of this loan? Is the tone in which he Members of the House; but when those addressed the House to-night that in which consequences begin to appear-and they he recommended those fortifications to our may be nearer than we suppose-they will notice in 1860? Is the tone in which he perhaps be no source of alarm to the noble spoke of our relations with France the Lord, because when his financial embar- same to-night as it was then? Are the rassments commence, he is perfectly ready views to which he has given utterance toto draw upon posterity. To-night he is night in regard to those relations identiestablishing a precedent which, if sanc- cal in feeling or expression with those tioned by the House, will allow him to which he promulgated at the end of the engage the expenditure of the country in Session of 1860? The noble Lord has toworthless purposes of any sort with impu- night, in language of great propriety, and, nity. My hon. Friend, therefore, has so far as I can form an opinion, of great clearly put before the House the difficulty truth, described the relations which exist, in which we are placed arising from the and which I think should exist, between mode in which this subject is introduced. England and France. In the year 1860, We have not that due control over the however, the noble Lord came down to expenditure of the public money in the the House, and stating that the truth case of these fortifications which, what- could be no longer concealed, told us ever may be our opinion of the policy or that this country was in imminent danger, impolicy of their construction-for of that and that he did not know at what moment I now say nothing-the House of Com- the cloud might burst. He then gave us mons ought in my opinion to possess. It to understand that it was France we had was for that reason that my hon. Friend to fear. And what was France to domade the observations which he addressed that humane and civilized ally, by whom to the Committee to-night; and when the the noble Lord now remembers the adnoble Lord taunts him with having vantages conferred upon us during the changed his opinions on this subject Indian mutiny, to whom we are indebted since July, 1860, because then forsooth for so much courtesy in the case of the he did not enter his protest against Trent-services acknowledged, I would raising the money by way of loan, I remind the noble Lord, before to-night, would remind him that many other per- by hon. Members on both sides of the sons besides my hon. Friend may also House in speaking of the French Emperor have changed the mood in which they view and nation? But what, only two years. this question since that period. At the ago, were we led to expect from this our end of the year, after a severe financial ally and neighbour? We were asked to campaign, after having fought almost every believe that a blow might be struck sudpoint involved in a complicated Budget denly and immediately by her against us; -in which I may say in passing there the noble Lord told us, in short, that was not the slightest allusion made to France was the enemy against whom we the expenditure requisite for these forti- must prepare; and what was she to do? fications, by which omission the House To strike at the heart of the country; to of Commons was, if not intentionally, sail up the Thames, to enter London, practically and absolutely misled, and there to dictate an inglorious peace, while when even the Minister particularly re- she levied exactions on a conquered people. sponsible for the finances of the country When, then, the noble Lord taunts my had said nothing on a subject so import- hon. Friend with not having seized the ant as that now before us the noble opportunity, at the end of July, 1860, to Lord brought forward this monster pro- protest against the form in which it was position; and now, because my hon. proposed to raise this money, he ought to Friend, after having given the matter bear in mind that others have changed

their views on the subject since then, and effect. The evidence, however, of only that the calm and quiet financier is not one witness, he too being a local and always master of himself when a Prime official witness, was taken, and the result, Minister comes down to the House and under such circumstances, can scarcely, Í makes those terrible communications to an think, be regarded as satisfactory to the appalled and affrighted House of Com- House. What the Committee want is, mons. But let me now observe that we that all these points should be brought are involved in a somewhat peculiar posi- separately before them; and, now that tion with respect to the Resolution before we have proceeded so far in the construcus. The Resolution of the Government tion of the works, I think it would be asks us to sanction that which they them- more satisfactory that we should enselves say they do not wish us to adopt, deavour to obtain some more practical and this anomaly is explained by a tech- mode of pronouncing an opinion upon nical reason which I did not accurately them than can result from the Amendcollect from the speech of the Secretary of ment before us, which, after what has State, but which I will take it for granted taken place, is of an imperfect character. was sufficient and satisfactory. Then we There is, however, one observation of the come to the Amendment of the hon. Mem- noble Lord to which I cannot help reber for Liskeard, to which the great ob- ferring-I allude to his justification of jection is, that, as matters stand, it does his proposition for a loan for the construcnot offer to the House any clear issue. In tion of these works. He says that we consequence of the shiftings of the Govern- are, by means of these fortifications, imment-in consequence of the Government, proving as it were our freehold, and that before the debate commenced to-night, re- as a consequence they are works, the cost linquishing two of its three schemes, the of which we may properly and justly call Amendment is so framed that it no longer upon posterity to defray. But let me reapplies to the real state of the question, mind the noble Lord that we are every nor meets the necessities of the case. If year erecting fortifications in this country, we agree to this Amendment, we shall be and that the charge for them appears in pronouncing an opinion which practically is the annual Estimates. Is not the freehold a definite one with respect to the proposed equally improved by the works for which forts at Spithead, the allusion to which con- provision is thus made as by those which stitutes the most prominent portion of the the noble Lord now asks us to sancAmendment, but which are relinquished tion? Is not the freehold equally imby the Government. I may add, that if proved when we vote £500,000 for Keyanything was ever satisfactorily demon-ham Docks as when we vote a similar sum strated in this House, it is that the rule, for the fort at Plymouth Sound? I want the validity of which the Government to know where the line is to be drawn, if have recognised with respect to Spithead, the principle advanced by the noble Lord is also applies to Plymouth. The noble to be adopted. Every public work in this Lord, indeed, is the only person sitting on country may be looked upon as an imthe Treasury Bench who attempts to con- provement of the freehold, yet the expentrovert that proposition. He does not, diture for such works generally appears in however, at all appear to me to meet the the Estimates. The Houses of Parliament difficulties of the question. He mainly relies are an improvement of the freehold - I on the evidence taken by the Commission trust a permanent improvement, and one on the subject. But it should be borne in which posterity may enjoy and admire. mind that the Commission examined only The expenditure for the Houses of Parliaone witness, and that that witness was ment, however, appeared in the Estimates. the harbour-master. Now, one witness And what is the result of this new finanmay be, no doubt, enough when he hap- cial principle of the noble Lord? I find, pens to be of your own opinion; but those if I am not mistaken, that in this and in who have heard from persons of authority the last year the usual Vote for fortificathat the construction of this fort might tions is no longer contained in our Estiseriously injure the navigation of Ply-mates; but, in order that they may appear mouth Sound, would naturally wish, that of less amount, it is now defrayed out of the if an investigation into the matter took money raised under the Act already passed place, the evidence of some person, at on this subject. I beg, therefore, the Comleast, should be taken who was of opi-mittee to observe the new and dangerous nion that its construction would have that course into which we are now entering,

which may be the means of carrying on a war expenditure, not by increased taxation-which it is not probable that the country will bear-but by a system of loans. Under these circumstances, I confess it appears to me that the Committee is not placed in a satisfactory condition as regards this expenditure. I agree in thinking that we have been hasty and precipitate in adopting this great scheme, and in assenting to the loose and dangerous machinery by which the funds have been raised to carry it into effect. But it is useless to regret the past. The object is now to compensate as much as we can for our past errors, see if it is possible to exercise a due control over this outlay, and at least know for what objects our money is expended, and where it is expended. Now, it appears to me that the safe mode by which we can approximate to such a conclusion is by allowing a Bill to come into Committee; and then, upon every clause of the Bill, we shall have the opportunity of examining those questions in detail. When the Plymouth fort is brought under our consideration, the opinion of the Committee may thus be taken upon it, and we can really discuss with the requisite knowledge, and with the time and patience which the question deserves, whether there is any essential difference between the course which we should take with regard to the Spithead and the Plymouth forts. For myself, therefore, I must say, that particularly after the great changes and concessions which the Government have made to-night, entirely altering the aspect of the question-giving up the inland arsenal, giving up, as I apprehend, all the seaward defences of our arsenals, and only retaining the landward expenditure, on the ground that money has been spent, and that it would be more costly to leave those defences unfinished than to complete them-I think, under these circumstances, our great object should be to get the Bill into Committee, and there take the opportunity of discussing these questions in detail. Our course will be facilitated if no Amendment is pressed tonight. The Amendment now before the Committee will give a false inference to the country, and in this I agree entirely with the noble Lord-namely, that it is much better, when this Vote is passed with the interpretation put upon it by the Secretary of State, that we should go into Committee, and avail ourselves of the opportunities of scrutinizing the exVOL. CLXVII. [THIRD SERIES.]

penditure which will there be afforded to us.

SIR FREDERIC SMITH said, that having seconded the Amendment of his hon. Friend (Mr. Bernal Osborne), he should now call upon him not to press it.

MR. BERNAL OSBORNE: I do not think I have any reason to regret the discussion which has taken place; for although it has been made a matter of taunt that speeches have been delivered on the subject of these Spithead forts, I think it is more a matter of taunt to the Government that they should put such a Resolution upon the paper never intending to propose it. What alternative had I, not knowing the secret councils of the Treasury bench, but to master the subject as well as I was able? I leave it to the Committee to say whether I did master the subject, and whether any detailed answer has been given to my objections. It has been said by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War that no sane man could propose such an Amendment as mine, or could suggest the postponement of these works; yet in the next breath, with the sanity which generally distinguishes the right hon. Gentleman, he proposed himself to postpone the further construction of the Works at Spithead. What an answer this is to the Resolution which the right hon. Gentleman himself moved! But I go further, and say, that if the works at Spithead are postponed, the same principles apply to the forts at Plymouth. The noble Lord went off on the forts behind the breakwater, but there are other forts at Plymouth to which the same conditions apply as to those at Spithead, the only difference being that the Plymouth forts are 1,500, while the Spithead forts are 2,000 yards apart. However, I will not urge this point to-night. The noble Lord (Lord C. Paget) said he would offer no apology to me. Well, I asked for none. I can hardly expect that the noble Lord, who, when out of office, accused the Admiralty of spending £5,000,000, which never appeared in the Estimates, and who failed to make any apology to Sir Baldwin Walker when he was shown to be quite in the wrong-I can hardly expect him to make an apology to so humble an individual as myself. But when he comes down and endeavours to salve over his explanation respecting the experiments at Shoeburyness, I put it to the hon. and gallant Member the Chairman of the Iron Plate Committtec (Sir J. Hay), whether I have

2 I

not stated accurately the facts of those experiments, and whether the noble Lord did not give the House to understand that those experiments had been entirely successful? I come now to the speech of the noble Lord at the head of the Government, to which I listened with pleasure, for his remarks upon our French allies must be a subject of congratulation not only to the hon. Members of this House but to every man in the country. The noble Lord, however, has slain a great many giants of his own creation. He said for example, that we were willing to abandon Portsmouth Dockyard, though no such argument was ever used on either side of the House, and that we wished for peace at any price-a sentiment which we shall equally repudiate. Sir, we are as anxious as any men can be for the proper defence of the country, but we question the efficiency of the plan proposed by the Government. I question the enormous expenditure which you are about to incur on the Report of this Commission, which will insure no adequate results. But I do not wish to prolong this debate. The Government have made concessions; and I shall take the advice which has been so courteously given to me on the other side of the House, and shall not press the Amendment.

MR. BRIGHT: The proposal of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) appears reasonable enough if the facts be with him. But I understood the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War to say that the Bill which he was about to introduce was merely a continuance Bill. If it be so, it may consist only of one clause, continuing the Act passed two years ago, and then we shall have very little opportunity of discussing any of those details. Now, I gathered from what the noble Lord said, that there would be an opportunity in Committee of discussing the points comprised in this Resolution. It may be, therefore, that the Secretary of State was wrong in the description which he gave of the Bill, and in that case, perhaps, he will be good enough to say so, and let us know, before we throw away the present opportunity, whether the Bill will be simply a continuance Bill, or one including in its clauses the different proposals to which it will refer.

SIR GEORGE LEWIS: The Bill consists of twenty-two clauses, being a repetition of the former Act, and it also contains a schedule in which the different

works included in the former schedule are set out, with the sum which it is proposed to expend on each.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Original Question put, and agreed to.
House resumed.

Resolution to be reported To-morrow.

PETROLEUM BILL-[BILL No. 154.]
COMMITTEE.

Order for Committee read.
House in Committee.

SIR JOHN SHELLEY said, he must object to going on with the Bill at that time of night. There were several objections to it, but it was impossible to discuss them at that time. He should move that the Chairman report progress.

SIR GEORGE GREY said, the Bill had been much pressed upon him. With regard to London, the regulations were the same as the Acts in force relating to gunpowder.

SIR JOHN SHELLEY said, he would withdraw his Motion.

Bill considered in Committee.
House resumed.

Bill reported, without Amendment; to be read 3o To-morrow.

AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE TREATY BILL-[BILL No. 160.]

SECOND READING.

Order for Second Reading read. MR. BRAND moved the second reading of the Bill.

MR. KINNAIRD said, he was surprised that no notice had been taken of so important a Bill by any hon. Member on either side of the House. He greatly rejoiced at the prospect of the treaty, inasmuch as it gave promise of more effectually accomplishing that object-namely, the freedom of the African race-for which this country had made such great sacrifices. Deeply deploring as he did the civil war raging in the United States, it was a great consolation to find in this Bill a justification of the hopes of those who saw in this war the beginning of the freedom of the 4,000,000 of coloured people in those States. It was highly honourable to the American Government, in the midst of the pressure of war, and the aggravated complications of their present condition, to have proposed such a treaty. According to the testimony of the noble Lord who introduced the measure, the American Government, of their own ac

« ПредишнаНапред »