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assuage the fierce storm which has so long ravaged it! Permit, I beseech Thee, O Father of Nature, that our ancient virtues and our industry may not be totally lost: and that, as a reward for the great toils we have made on this new land, we may be restored to our ancient tranquillity, and enabled to fill it with successive generations, that will constantly thank Thee for the ample subsistence Thou hast given them!

JOHN DICKINSON

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John Dickinson, member of an old family of Talbot County, Maryland, was born in 1732. He had good legal training, reading law first in Philadelphia and afterwards. for three years in the Middle Temple, London. As a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, of the Stamp Act Congress, 1765, and of the Continental Congress, 1774-1776, he took active part in the deliberations leading up to the Revolution. By writing for these bodies many admirably worded petitions, declarations, and other state papers he became known as "the Penman of the American Revolution." From the most notable of these, The Declaration by the Representatives of the United Colonies (1775), "setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms,' a brief extract is given below. The lull following the repeal of the Stamp Act was broken in 1767 by Townshend's acts laying port duties, creating resident customs commissioners, and suspending the legislature of New York. Against these measures Dickinson protested in his best known work, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies (a work often confused with Crèvecœur's book of similar title). These Letters, first published in the Pennsylvania Chronicle in 1767-1768, and reprinted in the newspapers and in book form throughout the colonies, as well as in England and France, gave the case of the colonies wide hearing. As Dickinson was a conservative and a lawyer, he carefully based his case on precedents from English constitutional history; he advocated loyalty coupled with firm resistance; he tried to convince the English government rather than to inflame the colonists; and more than any other writer of the time, he combined vigor of style with urbanity and moderation. In 1776, true to his principles, he disapproved of the Declaration of Independence; and as he thus lost favor with the prevailing party, he gave

place as a Revolutionary apologist to Paine and Jefferson. But he fought loyally in the American army, and after the war had an honorable public career, ended by his death in 1808.

THE PENNSYLVANIA FARMER

[FROM "LETTERS FROM A FARMER IN PENNSYLVANIA," I. 1768]

My dear Countrymen,

I am a Farmer, settled, after a variety of fortunes, near the banks of the River Delaware, in the province of Pennsylvania. I received a liberal education, and have been engaged in the busy scenes of life; but am now convinced, that a man may be as happy without bustle, as with it. My farm is small; my servants are few, and good; I have a little money at interest; I wish for no more; my employment in my own affairs is easy; and with a contented grateful mind, (undisturbed by worldly hopes or fears, relating to myself,) I am completing the number of days allotted to me by the divine goodness.

Being generally master of my time, I spend a good deal of it in a library; which I think the most valuable part of my small estate; and being acquainted with two or three gentlemen of abilities and learning, who honor me with their friendship, I have acquired, I believe, a greater knowledge in history, and the laws and constitution of my country, than is generally attained by men of my class, many of them not being so fortunate as I have been in the opportunities of getting information.

From my infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Enquiry and experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence towards mankind, excites wishes for their welfare, and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. These can be found in liberty only, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his power. As a charitable, but poor person does not withhold his mite, because he cannot relieve all the distresses of the miserable, so should not any honest man

suppress his sentiments concerning freedom, however small their influence is likely to be. Perhaps he "may touch some wheel," that will have an effect greater than he could reasonably expect.

THE CAUSE OF LIBERTY

[FROM THE SAME, III.]

I will now tell the gentlemen what is "the meaning of these letters." The meaning of them is, to convince the people of these colonies, that they are at this moment exposed to the most imminent dangers; and to persuade them immediately, vigorously, and unanimously, to exert themselves, in the most firm, but the most peaceable manner, for obtaining relief.

The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. Those who engage in it, should breathe a sedate, yet fervent spirit, animating them to actions of prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity, and magnanimity. .

I hope, my dear countrymen, that you will, in every colony, be upon your guard against those, who may at any time endeavor to stir you up, under pretences of patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to our Sovereign and our mother country. Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings, injure the reputation of a people, as to wisdom, valor, and virtue, without procuring them the least benefit. I pray God, that he may be pleased to inspire you and your posterity, to the latest ages, with a spirit of which I have an idea, that I find a difficulty to express. To express it in the best manner I can, I mean a spirit, that shall so guide you, that it will be impossible to determine whether an American's character is most distinguishable, for his loyalty to his Sovereign, his duty to his mother country, his love of freedom, or his affection for his native soil.

Every government at some time or other falls into wrong measures. These may proceed from mistake or passion. But every such measure does not dissolve the obligation between the governors and the governed. The mistake may be cor

rected; the passion may subside. It is the duty of the governed to endeavor to rectify the mistake, and to appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications, which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of opposition becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace.

This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach them, what reason did not; and harsh methods cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.

If at length it becomes undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained, till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are fully convinced, that any further submission will be destructive to their happiness.

When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable is it, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war outweigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men.

VIGILANCE THE PRICE OF LIBERTY
[FROM THE SAME, XI.]

My dear Countrymen,

I have several times, in the course of these letters, mentioned the late act of Parliament, as being the foundation of future measures injurious to these colonies; and the belief of this truth I wish to prevail, because I think it necessary to our safety.

A perpetual jealousy, respecting liberty, is absolutely req

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