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dilutum pomorum vel succus e pomis expressus, or by a borrowed adaptation of the terms in vogue by the other, as bacca GROSSularia, for gwrys, or gooseberries, or by the ulterior adoption of a foreign root, pur et simple,' as carrus vel rheda, and caulis, from the Cimmerian car, rhed, and cawl (caw-1), a drag, ‘a swift-running chariot,' of the former, and cabbage of the latter; or as secale, from the Armorican segal, or rye. Here we find an idea

of cabbaging unknown quantities by wholesale.

The characteristic synonymes, however, of the two former would tend, speaking literatim, to detect the third, as a stranger bird or an alien in a farm-yard, or any other foreign locality, and thus combinedly they would serve to demonstrate the pre-Roman or native appellations for this or that kind of Prydaenig or Arforig structure, carriage, implement, or vegetable, according to its respective size, nature, or quality, composition, or dimensions. A Cymro would not apply the letters constituting the idea of a buth, or hut, to represent that of a castell (cast-ell), or castle, or conceive plum to be ystaen, i. e., lead to be the equivalent of tin. Nor would an Arforig confound his ti with ur hastel a vrezel, a citadel; nor the arem with the couivr, i. e., brass with copper; nor would the Bretonnèd and the Cymry misunderstand the acoustic meaning of ti and ty, kær and caer, as our un-Celtic representatives of wisdom would imply and inculcate in their wigwam, their mia-mia, or cavernous reminiscences, and other self-imposing but delusive incongruities. But international facts contravene this assumption. Thus a Cæsarean admission of anterior facts nullifies unwittingly even its own Volusenian inferences. The basis of events must, to a certain degree of exactitude, tally with itself and others before and after them, in most if not in all its parts, to have made and make it a past, a future object of truth, and a source of historic reliance to all. Spleen blended with discomfiture and retreat, comments based on absence of knowledge, on the want of experience, and on their consequent premature deductions, demolished Cæsar as an authority. A general, however daring and idolised he may be, militarily speaking, cannot, with all the appliances of power, and the perpetuating ingenuity of his subordinates and later partisans, unmake history to suit his own views and their united crochets. Nor can a Scaligerian scholiast for ever nullify the classic and antiquarian world, with his mania for correction and abstractions. The expansion of nature, tot ou tard, cannot fail to become, as it were, an involuntary, an unwelcome detective in the capture of error, as well as in a condign exposè of the plausibilities that once gave it a delusive shadow and a name.

Certain articles of utility and luxe, then, tacitly working out their own cognate and innate verities, must have been in existence ages prior to any invasion. The Commentary' admits the

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native or insular priority of certain war-chariots, encampments, towns, &c., &c. (I am speaking here of their imputed existence, and am, at present, careless as to their form and materials); consequently, trained labor, aided by science of some sort, must have produced the Cimmerian works in question. Can a man make a cara currus=a chariot, dig ffosau=fossæ = trenches, extract and smelt alcan=stannus, and erect a dinas caerog=an ur kær gloz, the fortified towns, or oppida, spoken of by Cæsar, without tools, experience, and knowledge? Do tools drop down like manna from above? If the workman could have done so, he must have equalled, if not distanced, in mystery of craft, the stale, unfounded reports of superficialities, and the guilty concoctors of miraculous paintings, in the art of gulling, charming, and bewildering the indecision of grave and potent seigneurs and captivating the golden credulity of womanhood, under the auspicious influence and capacity of lyre-bird principles.

I shall hereafter categorise and compare the relative value of Cimbric, Armorican, Latin, and Gallic nomenclatures, in reference to articles of dress, food, beverages, grains, metals, animals, birds, fishes, and residences of various descriptions, as then not unknown, and consequently in vogue, among one or other nation of antiquity. This Cimmerian key must unlock the wards of Latin corrosion and expose the tenebras within.

In the mean time, let us imagine a case or two in point. The one, an instrument immemorially assigned to a Cimmerian fferm, or farm-house, as aradr (ar ×a× dr) or aratr-um of the Latins; the other forming a part and parcel of an Armorican ferm, as fenester (ffen ester), common to both.

I discard the terminations a and um as mere excrescences, according to the rule and practice laid down by European grammarians. How came each of these WHOLE terms to embody a peculiar ideality of imputed meanings? I decline the 'ipse dixit' of a traditionary or a context interpretation, without showing cause,' as lawyers say, 'sui generis.'

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A Latinist would perhaps derive the whole term of aratrum from aro, I plough,' alone, careless of the atr-um or tr-um, as mere euphonious or drowsy terminals; or he might, when taxed with the poverty of Latin roots, and losing sight of his own law of excrescence, advance a new plea, and refer the additional clause, when thus at his wit's end, to the accident of an atrum or trum, in the Supine. But do Supines thus invariably aid his own not very unnatural supineness, even allowing that this exception was admissible?

Un Arrær, que l'on tr-ace 'à trum'
Voudrait bien que l'on decidât,
Si Aratr son frere vient d' ar-atrum,
Ou le même ar-a-dr, d' ar-atra?

The Cimmerian does not, as a general rule, and dares not rely thus thoughtlessly on such a fickle foundation. He must have the whole body to dis-sect. He is not content with a mere limb, however valuable in itself. The whole individual must be anatomically explained. He cannot, so to speak, separate man and wife. Cimbrica linqua micat Vero sub lumine Solis, Sub radiis Lunæ linqua Latina TR-emit.

The anti-Cæsarean ar-a-dr or ar-a-tr, when analysed, explains itself by itself, as propositions in Euclid. Thus, ar (or a×ar) signifies, according to our Adamitic tongue, y gwyneb,' the face or surface, tîr wedi ei droi neu troi,' 'land that has been turned or ploughed,' the dr or tr being the non vowel-pointed crasis of DRoi and TRoi.

So, also, does the term ffenestr, unlike the Latin and German fenestr-a, and Fenster, expound its own inward and outward meaning, as ffenestyr ceule i ollwng GOLEU i dy," a 'cavity to admit LIGHT to a house,' from ffen (ffe xn), 'what is exterior to the sight,' 'what is externally visible,' awyr or air, the brightness of air,' the 'transparency of light,' (the same idea is perceived in ffurfafen from ffurffen or men, the firmament,) and estyr ' yr hyn sydd yn gyru i ffwrdd neu drwy' fel goleuni, 'what drives away or through,' as light.

Fenestra then, literatim, is the AIR-O-LIGHT-admitting, the AIR-or LIGHT-rejecting aperture of a building. How happy and logically natural is the Cimmerian translation 'A FFENESTRI y nefoedd a agorwyd,' in reference to the deluge or the ME-BOL, and the luminous apertures or cavities throughout the heavens were opened.'

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This paradigmatic and nature-depicting definition induced me, with fear and trembling, to consult the Hebrew text thereupon. And what do I find? The Mosaic term misinterpreted' window' is found to be 7, zeher or tser, and signifies, in Hebrew and its Chaldee dialect, possibly a lantern, to illuminate through,'' to give light,' i. e., to give ffen=lumen vel splendor=diapavɛia.

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Buxtorf translates zoher, or zeher, by lumen and splendor, as well as by fenestra.

How did the linqual wisdom of the Septuagint understand it? Compare the diapaves (or dia-ffan-es), 'what is bright or transparent throughout,' with the Cimmerian idea.

But, it may, however, be asked, what is the Hebrew term employed when "Noah opened the window of the ark which he had made"? It is rn, chel-on, the contracted form of the verb

, chelel, and signifies, a perforation, an opening, a cavity or aperture, in reference to a house, and derived from the Adamitic cul, or chul, a narrowness of opening.

But let us now return to the ti or tai, the houses of Ynys Prydain and Llydaw, abounding in prehistoric facts.

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The din or dinas is interpreted by a gylchyna,' 'what encircles,' without any peculiar reference to its magnitude, and is considered to be synonymous with the Armoric dinan or kær, une ville, and the oppidum of the Romans, as inferred, cum grano salis, from the following passage from Cæsar:-" Oppidum Britanni vocant [And so, after all the mendacious aspersions of history, the Cimbri had their oppida, which, I suppose, must have had a ty, or castelleu, a house, or castellated buildings of some sort, for the "multitudo hominum infinita" for the alleged warren or cave-like people to dwell in] cùm sylvas impeditas vallo atque fossâ munierant, quo, incursionis hostium vitandæ causâ convenire consueverant. Were the Romans generous enough, in such a war-like conjuncture, to give or lend their enemies a buyellgaib, an ur biguêl, or a pickaxe; a pâl, an ur bâl, or a spade; a morthwyl, an ur morhol, or a hammer; and other industrial implements, to dig a ffos, an er foz, an er fozel, or a trench, to erect an amgaer, an er vangöer, or a rampart, which, as distant out-posts, protected their woodencircled oppida, din, or dinasoedd, for Cæsar elsewhere remarks that these Cimbric localities were already in existence prior to a declaration of war, and excellently fortified, both by nature and by art. These are his words-"Locum nacti [Britanni] egregiè et natura et opere munitum, quem domestice belli, ut videbatur, causa jam antè præpaverant." So that, once more, they had not to thank the invaders for any primary military lessons in the art of fortification, nor yet for the Cimmerian expression ffos or foz, the Umbric root of their own fossa.

Llywarch Hen, the Cumbrian bard and princely chief of Argoed, while chanting the military achievements of Cynddylan ab Cyndrwyn, and Elfan princes of Powys, about 520 to 530 A. D., “yn erbyn ymosodiadau y Saeson Paganaidd," against the encounters of the pagan Saxons, respecting the lost privileges of the churches of Bassa,

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proves, inadvertently, that the oppida of his verse were located yn mron y coed,' in the very bosom of the wood,' the others in a dyffrynt or a sequestered dale between the stone-built strongholds or fortresses of Tren and Throdwydd, of the one, and those of Tren and Thrafel, of the other white-built city, and not, as Cæsar slily insinuates, nor as he is invariably understood by modern commentators, in sight of the advanced posts or outskirts of the wood, into which, par exemple, he durst not enter for ocular demonstration. But their actual position is of no vital importance to the question, wherever they may have been, according to classic choice and predilection.

"Y dref wen yn mron y coed

"Ys ef yw hefras erived

"Ar wyneb y gwellt gwaed;"

âlso,

"Y dref wen yn y dyffrynt," &c.

"Y dref wen rhwng Tren a Thrafel," &c.

The ti or tai constituting the dinas were generally built of wood. The detached residences were of stone, and not, probably, unlike the Umbrica ædificia vel domus of Rome itself at that very juncture, before the city of the seven hills was embellished by the boast of Augustus-with the marble of Italy and the Græcian Archipelago, as to palaces, baths, theatres, and columns.

Can the Saxon show us any proofs of his "creberrima ædificia Britannorum fere gallicis consimilia"? Will any one be kind enough to describe his buccaneering retreats on the marine coasts of the continent at this period? I am anxious to know the result.

But how is it proved that the Insulares had residences of hewn stones, with or without cement? Does a man see the result of a Read the proofs in stones of

problem before it is worked out? EARTH.

Some of these detached buildings were called cader, bod, anedd, tre, tref, trefaelwr, castell, caer, llys, plâs, and so forth, according to the relative position and requirements of the prince, the noble chieftain, the order of druidism, the merchant, and the peasant.

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Now let us exemplify one or two of the aforesaid residences, as trefaelur, according to the aspect or quality of the building. The term is derived from tre, a homestead, and mael, iron-stone. Mael also signifies 'gain' in its admeasurement of weight, as of value, hence maelur, originally a worker in iron-ore, alcan, or ystaen, became synonymous with the Latin opifex ferri vel stanni,' eventually a merchant, a mercator; and TREvaelur became the stone mansion or residence of the hospitable prehistoric British traders, manufacturers, merchants, and nobles, of the land.* Whence, possibly, originated the practice, as ever in vogue in Cambria and Caledonia, of persons taking their names from their residences, as Cadrael, Cynfael, Derfael, Maelgad, Maelgwn Gwynedd; also, Pennant, Guydir, and so forth, of another order of scenic or material roots.

Let a classic Powys, a patriotic Mostyn, a princely-minded Tredegar, a benevolent Dinorben, a noble-hearted Dinevor, a learned, a bard-fostering Llanover, a Future Duke of Mona, and a Marquess of Pengwern with an ad Græcas Calendas' triad of Esgobion Cymraeg, attest the sincerity of Cimmerian adaptations.

* Consult Hecatæus, of Miletus, and Helanicus, of Lesbos, in the sixth century B. C.

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