States. His portrait, by Stewart, graces the walls of the war-office of our nation. The following notice appeared in the public prints at the time of his death: "Fort Wayne, July 12th, 1812. On the 14th inst. the celebrated Miami chief, the Little-Turtle, died at this place, at the age of sixty-five years. Perhaps there is not left on this continent one of his color so distinguished in council and in war. His disorder was the gout. He died in a camp, because he chose to be in the open air. He met death with great firmness. The agent for Indian affairs had him buried with the honors of war, and other marks of distinction suited to his character." He was, generally, in his time, styled the Messissago chief,* and a gentleman who saw him soon after St. Clair's defeat, at Montreal, says he was six feet high, "about forty-five years of age, of a very sour and morose counte nance, and apparently very crafty and subtle. His dress was Indian moccasins; a blue petticoat that came half way down his thighs; an European waistcoat and surtout; his head was bound with an Indian cap that hung half way down his back, and almost entirely filled with plain silver broaches, to the number of more than two hundred; he had two ear-rings to each ear, the upper part of each was formed of · three silver medals, about the size of a dollar; the lower part was formed of quarters of dollars, and fell more than twelve inches from his ears-one from each ear over his breast, the other over his back; he had three very large nose jewels of silver, that were curiously painted. The account he gave of the action (with the Americans, Nov. 4th,) was, that they killed fourteen hundred of them, with the loss of nine only of their party, one of whom killed himself by accident." The person who gave this account said this chief was in Canada for the purpose of raising all the Indian force he could to go out again in the spring against the whites.

Mr. Dawson relates a pleasant anecdote of Little-Turtle, which happened while he was sitting for his portrait in Philadelphia. A native of the Emerald Isle was sitting for his at the same time, who prided himself upon his ability at joking. Little-Turtle was not backward in the same business, and they passed several meetings very pleasantly. One morning, Little-Turtle did not take much notice of his friend, and seemed rather sedate, which was construed by the Hibernian into an acknowledgment of victory on the part of the chief, in their joking game, and accordingly began to intimate as much. When Little-Turtle understood him, he said to the interpreter, "He mistakes; I was just thinking of proposing to this man, to paint us both on one board, and there I would stand face to face with him, and blackguard him to all eternity."

Among the chiefs associated in command, in the wars of which we have been speaking with the famous Mishikinakwa, was another of nearly equal note, familiarly called Blue-Jacket by the whites, but by his own nation, Weyapiersenwaw. He was the most distinguished

*Those of this tribe in the vicinity of Lake Ontario are of a much darker complexion than the other Indians of the west.

chief of the Shawanese, and we hear of him at Fort Industry, on the Miami of the lake, as late as 1805. By some particular arrangement, the chief command seems to have devolved on him of opposing Gen. . Wayne. He was more bloody than Mishikinakwa, and possessed less discrimination and judgment. He was among the last of the chiefs who came in to treat with General Wayne. The Shawanese held out as long as they could, and came in very slowly. On the 24th of June, a boy, who had been a captive among them, (having been lately retaken,) confidently asserted that the Shawanese would not make peace. But one month after, 23d of July, Blue-Jacket made his appearance, and it was duly noticed by a gentleman at the time, who kept a journal of important matters at Greenville. He then adds, "deputations from all the hostile tribes north of the Ohio are, consequently, now at this place."

We find this notice of Bluc-Jacket in August, 1792. "By a gen. tleman immediately from Montreal, we learn that about four weeks since, the famous Indian partisan, known by the name of Captain Blue-Jacket, was at Detroit, with about two thousand men, waiting for the Americans to come out into the woods: it is believed at Montreal, that in case the Americans did not go out, they will be divided into small parties to harass our frontiers." The tribes which furnished warriors to oppose the Americans were the Wyandots, Miamies, Pottowatamies, Delawares, Shawanese, Chippewas, Ottawas, and a few Senecas. Blue-Jacket was the director and leader of this mighty band of warriors.

In the treaty of September 29th, 1817, at the "foot of the rapids" of the Miami of the lakes, with the Wyandots, Senecas, Delawares, Shawanese, &c., there is a paragraph which it is presumed has reference to a daughter of this chief. It proposes to give "To Nancy Stewart, daughter of the late Shawanee chief Blue-Jacket, one section of land, to contain six hundred and forty acres, on the Great Miami river below Lewistown, to include her present improvements, three quarters of the said section to be on the southeast side of the river, and one quarter on the northwest side thereof."

From the time General St. Clair was defeated, in 1791, murders were continued upon the frontier, and all attempts on the part of government to effect a peace proved of no avail; and lastly the ambassadors sent to them were murdered, and that too while the army was progressing towards their country.

After building Fort Greenville, upon the Ohio, six miles above Fort Jefferson, General Wayne took possession of the ground where Gen. St. Clair had been defeated, and there erected a fort, to which he gave the name of Recovery, in which the army spent the winter of 1793-4. Many censures were passed on the general for his slow progress; but he knew much better what he was doing than newspaper writers did what they were writing, when they undertook to censure him, as the event proved.

It was the 8th of August, 1794, when the army arrived at the

confluence of the rivers Au Glaize and Maumee, where they built Fort Defiance. It was the general's design to have met the enemy unprepared in this move; but a fellow deserted his camp, and notified the Indians. He now tried again to bring them to an accommodation, and from the answers which he received from them, it was some time revolved in his mind, whether they were for peace or war; so artful was the manner in which their replies were formed. At length, being fully satisfied, he marched down the Maumee, and arrived at the rapids, August 18th, two days before the battle. His army consisted of upwards of three thousand men, two thousand of whom were regulars. Fort Deposit was erected at this place, for the security of their supplies. They now set out to meet the enemy, who had chosen his position upon the bank of the river, with much judgment. They had a breastwork of fallen trees in front, and the high rocky shore of the river gave them much security, as also did the thick wood of Presqu'Isle. Their force was divided, and disposed at supporting distances for about two miles. When the Americans arrived at proper distance, a body was sent out to begin the attack, "with orders to rouse the enemy from their covert with the bayonet; and when up, to deliver a close fire upon their backs, and press them so hard as not to give them time to reload." This order was so well executed, and the battle at the point of attack so short, that only nine hundred Americans participated in it. But they pursued the Indians with great slaughter through the woods to Fort Maumee, where the carnage ended. The Indians were so unexpectedly driven from their strong hold, that their numbers only increased their distress and confusion; and the cavalry made horrible havoc among them with their long sabres. Of the Americans, there were killed and wounded about one hundred and thirty. The loss of the Indians could not be ascertained, but must have been very severe. The American loss was chiefly at the commencement of the action, as they advanced upon the mouths of the Indians' rifles, who could not be seen until they had discharged upon them. They maintained their coverts but a short time, being forced in every direction by the bayonet. But until that was effected, the Americans fell fast, and we only wonder that men could be found thus to advance in the face of certain death.

This horrid catastrophe in our Indian annals is chargeable to certain white men, or at least mainly so; for some days before the battle, General Wayne sent a flag of truce to them, and desired them to come and treat with him. The letter which he sent was taken to Colonel McKee, who, it appears, was their ill-adviser, and he, by putting a false construction upon it, increased the rage of the Indians: he then informed them that they must forthwith fight the American army. Some of the chiefs, learning the truth of the letter, were for peace; but it was too late. Little-Turtle was known to have been in favor of making peace, and seemed well aware of the abilities of the American general; but such was the influence of traders among them, that no arguments could prevail. Thus, instances without number

might be adduced, where these people have been destroyed by placing confidence in deceiving white men.

The night before the battle, the chiefs assembled in council, and some proposed attacking the army in its encampment, but the proposal was objected to by others; finally the proposition of fighting at Presqu'Isle prevailed.

In this battle all the chiefs of the Wyandots were killed, being nine in number. Some of the nations escaped the slaughter by not coming up until after the defeat. This severe blow satisfied the western Indians of the folly of longer contending against the Americans; they therefore were glad to get what terms they could from them. The chiefs of twelve tribes met commissioners at Fort Greenville, August 3rd, 1795, and, as a price of their peace, gave up an extensive tract of country south of the lakes, and west of the Ohio; and such other tracts as comprehended all the military posts in the western region. The government showed some liberality to these tribes, on their relinquishing to it what they could not withhold, and gratuity gave them twenty thousand dollars in goods, and agreed to pay them nine thousand dollars a year forever; to be divided among those tribes in proportion to their numbers.*

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CHAPTER VIII.

DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD, AND CAPTIVITY OF REVEREND JOHN WIL LIAMS AND FAMILY, IN 1704.

Sometimes in a volume, and sometimes in a pamphlet, the narrative of this affair had often been given to the world previous to 1774, by one of the principal actors in it, whose name is at the beginning of this chapter, and which is doubtless familiar to every reader of New England legends. The edition of Mr. Williams's work, out of which I take this, was prepared by the renowned New England annalist, the Rev. Thomas Prince, and was the fifth, printed at Boston "by John Boyle, next door to the Three Doves in Marlborough street, 1774." It was a closely printed 8vo. pamphlet of seventy pages.

It will be necessary to relate some important facts of historical value before proceeding with the narrative. As at several other times, the plan was laid early in 1703, in Canada, for laying waste the whole English frontier, but like former and later plans, laid in that region, this but partially succeeded. Though the castern settlements from Casco to Wells were destroyed, and one hundred and thirty people

*The terms of this treaty were the same as were offered to them before the battle, which should be mentioned, as adding materially to our good feelings towards its authors. It is generally denominated Wayne's treaty. It is worthy of him.

killed and captivated, the summer before, yet the towns on the Connecticut had neglected their precautionary duty. And although Gov. Dudley, of Massachusetts, had but a little while before been notified of the French, yet it was impossible to guard the eastern coast against the attack. Deerfield had been palisaded, and twenty soldiers placed in it, but had been quartered about in different houses, and, entirely forgetting their duty as soldiers, were surprised with the rest of the town. The snow was deep, which gave the enemy an easy entrance over the pickets. The French were commanded by Hertel de Rouville, but the commanders of the Indians remain unknown.

Mr. Williams thus begins his narrative: "On Tuesday the 29th of February, 1704, not long before break of day, the enemy came in like a flood upon us-our watch being unfaithful: an evil, whose awful effects, in a surprisal of our fort, should bespeak all watchmen to avoid, as they would not bring the charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my house in the beginning of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awakened me out of sleep; on which I leaped out of bed, and running towards the door, perceived the enemy making their entrance into the house. I called to awaken two soldiers in the chamber; and returning toward my bed-side for my arms, the enemy immediately broke into my room, I judge to the number of twenty, with painted faces, and hideous acclamations. I reached up my hands to the bed-tester, for my pistol, uttering a short petition to God, expecting a present passage through the valley of the shadow of death." 66 Taking down my pistol, I cocked it, and put it to the breast of the first Indian who came up; but my pistol missing fire, I was seized by three Indians who disarmed me, and bound me naked, as I was, in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour." Meanwhile the work of destruction and pillage was carried on with great fury. One of the three who captured Mr. Williams was a captain, against whom, says our captive," the judgment of God did not long slumber; for by sun-rising he received a mortal shot from my next neighbor's house." This, though not a garrison, and containing but seven men, withstood the efforts of the three hundred French and Indians which now beset them. That house remains to this day, bearing upon its front door the marks of the hatchet.

After about two hours the enemy took up their march from the town, having plundered and burnt it, and put forty-seven persons to death, including those killed in making defence. Mrs. Williams having lately lain in, was feeble, which, without the scene now acting before her, rendered her case hopeless; but to this was added the most shocking murders in her presence--two of her children were taken to the door and killed, also a black woman belonging to the family.

"About sun an hour high," continues the redeemed captive, "we were all carried out of the house for a march, and saw many of the houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house excepted, to be taken!" "We were carried over the river, to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my house, where we