ALL the notes in the following appendix, except the two at letters (m) and (n), and the notes in pages 89, 99, 100, the last note in page 119, 124, 125, 137, 142, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 183, 184, 188, 190, 207, 214, 242, 253, 255 and 256 of the letters of Fabius, have been added since the edition in 1797.

APPENDIX.

(a) MANKIND possessing present good are too frequently inattentive to future evil. -Thus, when a nation has bravely recovered its liberty by a revolution, it is too apt to slide into an opinion, that all things are safe. The people then sink into carelessness and confidence, and thereby tempt the ambitious, the selfish, and the unprincipled, to fasten new fetters upon them in place of the old.

To such characters the wealth and power of a nation are vast temptations. To partake of them jointly in common with their fellow-citizens, appears to their aspiring genius too low a condition. Accordingly they eagerly engage in schemes to gain for themselves an undue proportion; and in all ages and in all countries they uniformly employ the same means. s. They begin with fraud and conclude with violence.

MEMORABLE are the instances that will strike an attentive observer of human affairs, shewing, that the time which immediately follows the escape of a free people from a great danger, is itself a period of great danger. A

THUS, the Greeks not many years after their united forces had repulsed the hosts of Persia, began those foolish and inveterate fueds, which continually enfeebled them, and in the conclusion fixed the galling yoke of Macedon upon their-till thenunbending necks.

THUS, when the Romans had subdued Carthage, and were relieved from all fear of that once formidable rival, they shortly after divided into factions, that constantly harrassed them, and at last destroyed their liberty.

THUS, England emancipated by the restoration from the despotism of her own army, quickly declined into a disgraceful submission to the profligate Charles the second, that cost her the lives of many excellent patriots, and exposed her to the utmost hazards.

THUS, the same kingdom soon after being delivered by the revolution from all apprehension of the perils that then threatened it, began to feel a subtle

on.

"Britain, ocean's trident-bearing queen,'

BRITAIN herself in imminent danger of invasi

It seems as if some sin had been working at the root of her full-blown prosperity, for about a quarter of a century. Let us reflect.

WE read in a book well worth reading, of "the iniquity of a people being full," and then of punishment coming.

AT the period alluded to, Britain, not innocent in other respects, as weeping nations have felt, then "put forth a hand" and profanely touched the ark of liberty. She drew it back wounded and withered. Not long afterwards, the friend of mankind appeared within sight of her shores. Uninstructed by her "own misfortunes," again she precipitated herself into the same violation of duty; unprovoked, quarrelled with a people imitating the example of her better days, resolved to be free, and even supplicating her neutrality, when her compliance with the equitable request, would have penetrated France with gratitude, and in all probability have saved the family for which she pretended to arm. She in her turn has supplicated, as vainly.

LET us therefore keep in perpetual remembrance, that the provisions established for the security of liberty may be converted into engines for its de struction.

(b) The excellent Hoadley, afterwards bishop of Winchester, in his celebrated treatise on "civil "government," strenuously asserting and defending the principles of freedom, prudently availed himself of the sentiments of the learned and pious Hooker, who was well known to be an orthodox church-man, and a faithful royalist. The following quotations are extracted, from that work.

"HE, (Hooker) expressly founds civil government upon the voluntary agreement, composition, or compact of the members of the governed society; from whom originally comes all the authority of governors so expressly, that he declares it impossible, that any should have complete lawful power but by this consent, in the ordinary course of God's Providence. He leaves it entirely as a thing indifferent, to the free consultation and deliberation of men, what form of government shall be tried or established. He plainly enough teacheth, that the first trial or compact, doth not so oblige