LETTER XI. SOME years, some little years ago, there were such things as gratitude and friendship between nations, believed in by the people of these states, and with a fervor of conviction, in ardor and assurance inferior only to a good man's religious faith, or they were all liars. THEY were not liars. They uttered what they thought. Their tongues were the interpreters of their souls. He who never erred has told us, that "of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh," and surely there was an "abundance," for our mouths to speak from. How uncertain, at least how remote, must have been the issue of our war with Great-Britainwhat an accumulation of distresses upon those we were enduring, must we have suffered, if it had not been for the aids we received from France? Let us endeavour as well as we can, to recollect what we have seen, heard, and felt, and to convey our experience to our children. How did the nation most solemnly express their sentiments by their representatives in congress? "THE treaties between his most Christian majesty and the United States of America, so fully demonstrate his wisdom and magnanimity, as to command the reverence of all nations. The virtuous citizens of America can never forget his beneficent attention to their violated rights, nor cease to acknowledge the band of a gracious Providence, in raising them up so powerful and illustrious a FRIEND. _______“THIS assembly are convinced—that had it rested solely with the most Christian king, not only the independence of these states would have been universally acknowledged, but their tranquillity fully established"—" We ardently wish to sheathe the sword, and spare the further effusion of blood" Congress have reason to believe, that the assistance so wisely and generously sent will bring Great-Britain to a sense of justice and moderation, promote the interests of France and America, and secure peace and tranquillity, on the most firm and honourable foundation. Neither can it doubted, that those who administer the powers of government, within the several states of this union, will cement that connection with the subjects of Great-Britain strikes at the nails of France. What has she got by it? Some hogsheads of sugar. What more? Some bags of coffee. What has she lost? Millions of money, and myriads of men— brave men-generous men-ləyal men-true men a bad bargain. THE farce of Corsica is ended. Toulon, one of the strongest harbours known, some how or other the British got. Keep it they could not, any how. Their "protection" is perdition. Witness its inhabitants and the coasts of France. Their "alliance" is convulsion. Witness the United Provinces. What their "respect" is, the states of Italy, and some other states, can tell. Their fleets have been so triumphant, that most of the ports in Europe are shut against their commerce. More, it is likely, will be shut. Ours, indeed, are open to them. I acknowledge the greatness of this advantage. SOME other of their acquisitions ought to be mentioned. They have seized the cape of Good Hope, parts of Ceylon, and the Molucca islands. Or what importance are these places, as to the sum of the war? Absolutely of none. They are worse. They will weaken their efforts at home and near home. If they were to make more such acquisitions, it would be still worse. They may go on victoriously in this way, till they conquer themselves into destruction; and the successors of the ancient Gauls may well laugh, as I doubt not they do, to see their rough predecessor's maxim so whimsically reversed, from "Ve victis," to "Va victoribus." ONE strong grasp on Ireland, or any county in Britain, will obtain a restoration of all her acquisitions and more. WILL the French never make such a grasp? If the war continues a little longer, most certainly they will. They have hitherto been employed in clearing their way to the bosom of Britain. I dread the blows that will be struck there. Can British skill, great as it is, command the winds? Can British valor, distinguished as it is, act where it is not? How often have their fleets been locked up for weeks together by gales, at the same time fair for the operations of enemies if determined on a descent? From Brest to the Dollart Sea, the whole confronting coasts are hostile, with a variety of inflections exceedingly favourable to invasion of the opposite shores. England had a very strong fleet, when invaded by William the first; and also when invaded by William the third.† BESIDES, the French entertain a livelier resentment against Great-Britain, than against any of her enemies. Their exertions against her will therefore be more intense, if possible, than they have been against their other enemies. If they should be so, the word more just now used, will be found to denote something greater than an Iliad. Et dubitemus ad huc virtute extendere vires? And doubt we yet by virtuous acts to rise, VIRGIL. FABIUS. In the year 287, Carausius assumed in Britain, the imperial purple and title of Augustus. He extended his power over a great part of Gaul, and reigned seven years. He was succeeded by Allectus. The emperor Constantius determined to attempt the recovery of Britain. The weather was favourable to the enterprize. "The ROMANS, under the cover of a thick fog, escaped the fleet of Allectus; and convinced the BRITONS, that a superiority of naval strength will not always protect their country from a foreign invasion.” GIBB. Hist. 2. 106 |