they could, but, provided for making at any time amendments on the authority of the people, without shaking the stability of the government. For this end, the congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to the constitution, or, on the appli. cation of the legislatures of two-thirds of the seve ral states, SHALL call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the constitu. tion, when ratified by the legislatures of threefourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by congress.

THUS, by a gradual progress, we may from time to time introduce every improvement in our constitution, that shall be found suitable to our situation,† For this purpose, it may perhaps be adviseable, for every state, as it sees occasion, to form with the utmost deliberation, drafts of alterations respective

† Every improvement in our constitution that can be discovered, should he immediately adopted as part of it.

The promoters of the British revolution in 1688, neglected in the proper time to make many improvements of high importance; and the friends of freedom have since been scarcely able to have even one of them established..

The great maxim of that very extraordinary man, CosмO DE MEDICIS, was this-"Defer not till to-morrow, what can and ought to be done to-day."

ly required by them, and to enjoin their representatives, to employ every proper method to obtain a ratification.

In this way of proceeding, the undoubted sense of every state, collected in the coolest manner, not the sense of individuals, will be laid before the whole union in congress, and that body will be enabled with the clearest light that can be afforded by every part of it, and with the least occasion of irritation, to compare and weigh the sentiments of all United America; forthwith to adopt such alterations as are recommended by general unanimity; by degrees to devise modes of conciliation upon contradictory propositions: and to give the revered advice of our common country, upon those, if any such there should be, that in her judgment are inadmissible, because they are incompatible with the happiness of these states.

Ir cannot be with reason apprehended, that congress will refuse to act upon any articles calculated to promote the COMMON welfare, though they may be unwilling to act upon such as are designed to advance PARTIAL interests; but whatever their sentiments may be, they мUST call a convention for proposing amendments, on applications of twothirds of the legislatures of the several states.

MAY those good citizens, who have sometimes turned their thoughts towards a second convention, be pleased to consider, that there are men who speak as they do, yet do not mean as they do. These borrow the sanction of their respected names, to conceal desperate designs. May they also consider, whether persisting in the suggested plan, in preference to the constitutional provision, may not kindle flames of jealousy and discord, which all their abilities and virtues can never extinguish.

FABIUS.

LETTER IX.

WHEN the sentiments of some objectors, concerning the British constitution, are considered, it is surprising, that they should apprehend so much danger to United America, as, they say, will attend the ratification of the plan proposed to us, by the late federal convention.

THESE gentlemen will acknowledge, that Britain has sustained many internal convulsions, and many foreign wars, with a gradual advancement in freedom, power and prosperity. They will acknowledge, that no nation has existed that ever so perfectly united those distant extremes, private security of life, liberty, and property, with exertion of public force-so advantageously combined the various powers of militia, troops, and fleets-or so happily blended together arms, arts, science, commerce, and agriculture. From what spring has flowed this stream of happiness? The gentlemen will acknowledge, that these advantages are derived from a single democratical representative branch in her legislature. They will also acknowledge,

that in this branch, called the house of commons, only one hundred and thirty-one are members for counties; that nearly one half of the whole house

is chosen by about five thousand seven hundred persons, mostly of no property; that fifty-six members are elected by about three hundred and seventy persons, and the rest in an enormous disproportion* to the numbers of inhabitants who ought to vote. †

THUS are all the millions of people in that kingdom, said to be represented in the house of com

mons.

LET the gentlemen be so good, on a subject so familiar to them, as to make a comparison between the British constitution, and that proposed to us. Questions like these will then probably present themselves: is there more danger to our liberty, from such a president as we are to have, than to that of Britons from an hereditary monarch with a vast revenue-absolute in the erection and disposal of offices, and in the exercise of the whole

* No member of parliament ought to be elected by fewer than the majority of 800, upon the most moderate calculation, according to Doctor Price.

+ By the constitution proposed to us, a majority of the house of representatives, and of the senate, makes a quorum to do business: but, if the writer is not mistaken, about a fourteenth part of the members of the house of commons, makes a quorum for that purpose."