THE

Address of Congress

TO THE

INHABITANTS OF QUEBEC.

Dated October 26th, 1774.*

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS,

WE, the DELEGATES of the colonies of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina and SouthCarolina, deputed by the inhabitants of the said colonies, to represent them in a general congress at Philadelphia, in the province of Pennsylvania, to consult together, concerning the best methods to obtain redress of our afflicting grievances; having accordingly assembled, and taken into our most

* Vide Journals of Congress, vol. 1, page 58.

serious consideration, the state of public affairs on this continent, have thought proper to address your province, as a member therein deeply interested.

WHEN the fortune of war, after a gallant and glorious resistance, had incorporated you with the body of English subjects, we rejoiced in the truly valuable addition, both on our own and your account; expecting, as courage and generosity are naturally united, our brave enemies would become our hearty friends, and that the Divine Being would bless to you the dispensations of his over-ruling providence, by securing to you and your latest posterity, the inestimable advantages of a free English constitution of government, which it is the privilege of all English subjects to enjoy.

THESE hopes were confirmed by the king's proclamation, issued in the year 1763, plighting the public faith for your full enjoyment of those advantages.

LITTLE did we imagine that any succeeding ministers would so audaciously and cruelly abuse the royal authority, as to withhold from you the fruition of the irrevocable rights, to which you were thus justly intitled.

BUT since we have lived to see the unexpected time, when ministers of this flagicious temper have dared to violate the most sacred compacts and obligations, and as you, educated under another form of government, have artfully been kept from dis covering the unspeakable worth of that form, you are now undoubtedly intitled to, we esteem it our duty, for the weighty reasons herein-after mentioned, to explain to you some of its most important branches.

"In every human society," says the celebrated marquis Beccaria, "there is an effort continually tending to confer on one part the heighth of power and happiness, and to reduce the other to the extreme of weakness and misery. The intent of good laws is to oppose this effort, and to diffuse their influence universally and equally."

RULERS Stimulated by this pernicious "effort," and subjects, animated by the just "intent of op-posing good laws against it," have occasioned that vast variety of events, that fill the histories of so many nations. All these histories demonstrate the truth of this simple position, that to live by the will of one man, or set of men, is the production of misery to all men.

On the solid foundation of this principle, Englishmen reared up the fabric of their constitution with such a strength, as for ages to defy time, tyranny, treachery, internal and foreign wars and as an illustrious author* of your nation, hereafter mentioned, observes," They gave the people of their colonies, the form of their own government, and this government, carrying prosperity along with it, they have grown great nations in the forests they were sent to inhabit."

In this form, the first grand right is that of the people having a share in their own government by their representatives chose by themselves, and in consequence of being ruled by laws, which they themselves approve, not by edicts of men over whom they have no controul. This is a bulwark surrounding and defending their property, which by their honest cares and labours they have acquired,. so that no portions of it can legally be taken from them, but with their own full and free consent, when they in their judgment deem it just and necessary to give them for public services, and precisely direct the easiest, cheapest, and most equal methods in which they shall be collected.

THE influence of this right extends still farther. If money is wanted by rulers who have in any manner oppressed the people, they may retain it,

* Montesquieu.

until their grievances are redressed; and thus peaceably procure relief, without trusting to despised petitions, or disturbing the public tranquillity.

THE next great right is that of trial by jury. This provides, that neither life, liberty, nor property, can be taken from the possessor, until twelve of his unexceptionable countrymen and peers, of his vicinage, who from that neighborhood, may reasonably be supposed to be acquainted with his character, and the characters of the witnesses, upon a fair trial, and full inquiry, face to face, in open court, before as many of the people as choose to attend, shall pass their sentence upon oath against him; a sentence that cannot injure him, without injuring their own reputation, and probably their interest also; as the question may turn on points, that, in some degree, concern the general welfare ;' and if it does not, their verdict may form a precedent, that, on a similar trial of their own, may militate against themselves.

ANOTHER right relates merely to the liberty of the person. If a subject is seized and imprisoned, though by order of government, he may, by virtue of this right, immediately obtain a writ, termed a babeas corpus, from a judge, whose sworn duty it