those who, reverencing them no less, knew and understood them better, than this generation can do. And the same must be said of any attempt or wish, whether expressed or implied, whether secretly encouraged in our own minds, or suggested indirectly to others, of reforming the Church of England by any change in her system, after a more ancient and primitive model, selected by ourselves. When we have seen, as clearly as our old Reformers and those divines of whose opinions we are now speaking -the real nature of popery, its workings, its artifices, and its power-when we have searched as deeply into its history, and watched its gradual growth from the seeds of imperceptible errors, until they shot up and 'rent and tore the very walls of Christ's temple'-when we have read both the Scriptures and the Fathers, as the martyrs of our Church read them, by the light of the fires in which their own bodies were to be burnt, then to think of abandoning their model for a model of our own may not be presumption-not presumption in those who are placed in authority in the Church, with power to decide on such questions-but presumptuous and dangerous it always must be for any but the heads of the Church even to deliberate on such matters. The restoration of the English Church,' says Bishop Hall,2 and eversion of popery, next under God and our kings, is chiefly to be ascribed and owed to the learning and industry of our bishops.' It was an episcopal as well as monarchical reformation,' and therefore safe. This was the form of Church government,' says the Judgment of the university of Oxford, 'under which our religion was at first so orderly, without violence or tumult, and so happily reformed, and hath since so long flourished with truth and peace, to the honour and happiness of our own, and admiration of other nations.' 6 And it will be the great test that we not only profess but have imbibed the true spirit of the ancient church as well as of our own, and that we have taken up that 'white belt and badge of humility,' which, in Hammond's words, she binds on all her sons and exemplifies to all,'3 if, in the midst of that feverish irritation which must accompany every revival of religious feeling, we adhere steadily to our bishops. It is easy to talk and write of this, but hard to practise it. And the refractory spirit will show itself and work to mischief in many subtle forms without avowed disobedience. The true obedience will be to receive their warnings and rebukes not only with submission, but thankfulness; to distrust 1 Jackson, vol. i. P. 313. 2 Defence of Humble Remonst., vol. x. p. 355, quoted from Du Moulin. ourselves ourselves when they distrust us; to interpret their words, even when they seem to us in error, with the most favourable construction possible, and to hide the error, if it be one, rather than drag it forth to light; to do nothing which may provoke an expression of public feeling in opposition to their expressed sentiments; to form no centre of action except subject to their control and sanction; to abstain from remonstrances against their acts, unless it is demanded from us in our own official position; not to think that we are walking in the faith of Abraham, because we follow wherever we are led, without knowing whither we are going, unless the voice that leads us be that of our appointed living rulers under God, not the mere echo of our own self-will, or of our own private interpretation, whether of history or of scripture. The true obedience will be to co-operate with them cordially and zealously in their efforts for the good of the Church; to save them, as far as we may, from the anxiety of witnessing the growth of a restless discontented spirit among the young; to join with them, and to strengthen their hands, in repressing and condemning it, at whatever sacrifice, either of personal or party feeling; to inculcate a dutiful reference to them in all conscientious difficulties; not encouraging, either in others or ourselves, any alteration whatever in the customary forms of the Church, without their consent;1 least of all, like silly minds that dote on ceremonies, (as, Sanderson says, ' no true son of the Church of England' can do,*) permitting ourselves to startle the weak and offend the strong by introducing so-called ancient novelties of dress, or gesture, or mode of reading, or bowing, or crossing, or turning to the east, like external acts, which, if of moment, ought not to be altered without a superior authority; and, if of no moment, only betray the frivolity of our own minds, and perplex and unsettle the minds of others. or any If this dutiful spirit be shown in the clergy, the Church of England will soon begin to develop its wonderful strength. When the body is prepared to follow, the head may venture to lead, but not before. And a battle is before them—a battle not so much against dissent, which every day is losing ground, but against popery, which is rising up among us with renewed vigour, and affecting 6 ; 1 Forasmuch,' says the Preface to the Prayer Book, as nothing can be so plainly set forth, but doubts may arise in the use and practice of the same, to appease all such diversities, if any arise, and for the resolution of all doubts, concerning the manner how to understand, do, and execute the things contained in this book, the parties that so doubt, or diversely take anything, shall always resort to the Bishop of the Diocese who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasing of the same; so that the same order be not contrary to anything contained in this book. And if the Bishop of the Diocese be in doubt, then he may send for the resolution thereof to the Archbishop.' 2 Preface to Sermons, vol. i. § xii. to to cherish the hope that the revival of the true principles of the English Church-its principles of order, reverence, and truthis a friendly approximation to its own corruptions, because some few minds, of neither age nor weight, have rashly and wrongly spoken of union, in language which the Church of England would little tolerate, and one or two others, never nurtured in her principles, have, avowedly in the spirit of dissent, forsaken her communion. What the Church generally would think of such a meditated union, unless preceded by a thorough retractation of Romish errors, cannot be expressed better than in the words of Jackson: 1 England, for that blind and slavish obedience which in respect of other nations she did perform unto the see of Rome, was by Italians and other foreigners not unaptly termed the "Pope's ass.' Howbeit the brutish ignorance of our forefathers in the mysteries of their salvation did make that measure of obedience to the Romish Church partly excusable in them, which in us (to whom the gospel hath long time shined) would be altogether damnable. But it would be ignorance more than brutish, ignorance so far from excusing other sins, that itself would be a sin inexcusable, if we should hope or presume that the Romish yoke would not be made ten times heavier unto us than it was upon our forefathers, if God in his just judgment should strengthen the enemies of our peace to lay it again upon this island's neck. For the Church of Rome, since our forefathers' departure from her, hath multiplied her doctrines of devils, and mingled her cup with such abominations as would make the taste of it to such as have been accustomed to the sincere milk of the gospel altogether deadly; and yet hope there is none that we should not be urged to drink more deep of it than our forefathers were, if this cruel stepmother should once recover her pretended title of dominion over us. No choice would be left, but either torture of conscience or torment of body: we must make account to sit down with loss either of present possessions, or of our hopes of inheritance in the world to come.' And if, looking to the acts of our governors, whether in the State or in the Church-whether as encouraging Popery directly, by supporting its priests, or indirectly, by encouraging dissent-we are inclined, in the pride and presumption of our hearts, to say, 'Had we been, or were we in the place of authority or command, the necessity of this miserable choice had ere this time been removed, or should quietly be prevented,' the same great man will answer in words with which we will conclude; speaking, as we have wished to speak throughout-not as of ourselves, but rather to show how others have spoken before, whose voice may come to us from the grave with all the authority of departed Book xii. c. v. s. 13. goodness, goodness, and tell us of peace and order, of humility and mutual love. If I should here take upon me so far to apologise for higher powers, as not to attribute a great part of the misery which hath lately befallen this land, and yet hangs over it, unto their errors or oversight, I should undergo the censure (without apology or appeal) of a parasite or timeserver. As I will not therefore speak anything against higher powers, so neither will I at this time speak for them. Only give me leave to tell you, that God in his providence doth never suffer higher powers to be at any gross default, of negligence, oversight, or wilfulness, but for the like gross defaults in those that are subject and should be obedient to them. If the eyes of state be at any time weak or dim, it is a certain sign that the whole body is either feeble or much distempered. The best advice that I can give unto you is, that every one of us, so oft as we shall, though but in heart or secret thought, repine or murmur at the negligence, oversight, or wilfulness of higher powers, would presently and peremptorily inflict this penance upon himself, to multiply his sorrow for his own sins past; to multiply his prayers and alms' deeds, with all other practices of piety, that so we may at all these our public meetings lift up pure hearts and hands unto the Father of Spirits, and God of all power and wisdom, that he would so enlighten the eyes and head of our State that they may find out the special sins which have procured his wrath against this land, and so inspire their hearts with resolution and constant courage that they may crush this serpent's brood wheresoever it nestles.'' POSTSCRIPT.-As the quotations have necessarily been made without reference to the order of the writers, it may not be uninteresting to subjoin the following tolerably accurate table of their dates and titles : Born Died 1522 1570 Bishop of Salisbury. 1530 1603 Bishop of Worcester and Archbishop of Canter bury. 1511 1610 Bishop of London and Archbishop of Canterbury. 155 1616 Bishop of Worcester and Winchester. 1561 1629 Lancelot Andrewes. Richard Field . Thomas Morton John Buckeridge 1544 1600 1555 1626 Bishop of Chichester, Ely, and Winchester. 1559 1619 Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and Norwich. 1560 1633 Bishop of Llandaff and Hereford. 1564 1659 Bishop of Chester, Lichfield and Coventry, and Durham. 156- 1631 Bishop of Rochester, and Ely. 1559 1628 Bishop of Llandaff, and Chichester. 1574 1578 . 1579 1644 Bishop of St. David's, Bath and Wells, London, and Archbishop of Canterbury. 1656 Bishop of Exeter, and Norwich. 1641 Bishop of Chichester, and Norwich. 1640 President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and Dean of Peterborough. 1579 1636 1580 1655 Bishop of Meath and Archbishop of Armagh. 1587 1662 Bishop of Lincoln. 1593 1663 Bishop of Derry and Archbishop of Armagh. 1594 1672 Bishop of Durham. 1597 1672 1707 Bishop of Chichester, and Ely. 1677 Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. 1704 Bishop of St. Asaph. 1710 Bishop of Bath and Wells. 1711 Camden Professor of Ancient History in the Uni versity of Oxford. 1642 1715 Dean of Worcester. 164-1722 |