spoliation are entertained only by a few, who are either bigots in religion, or enthusiasts or radicals in politics. That was what they told us before, when the Catholic Emancipation was on the carpet. That also was what they told us when the reform bill was to be carried. They said that the Irish Roman Catholics desired no more than they then asked, and that when thus much should have been granted, they would be contented and thankful in peace and quiet.

What is become of these auspicious vaticinations now? What is now the language of those who are still, as they were then, the leaders of agitation? They stand forth in the same arena of contention as before, and proclaim to all comers that the victory they have gained is valuable only as the precursor of a series of civil conquests. They stand on the same ground, the same flags are unfurled, and, as they advance to the encounter, they cry aloud-"Our trust in our success is confirmed by the remembrance of our former triumphs. We remember in order that we may hope. We refer to our recollection for no other purpose than to open, and to confirm, our anticipation. Here, and by these means, emancipation and reform were carried; and here, also, by the same means, shall the Protestant Church be overthrown, and Repeal be be established."

They turn upon Lord Grey and Lord Plunket with their own recorded opinions. The quote the words of citizen Grey, when he not only denounced the Legislative Union, but predicted that "a time would come, when Ireland, with a loud and anxious voice, would demand the repeal of a measure, which so far from being a means of uniting the two countries, would scatter between them the seeds of everlasting discord." And then they twit his lordship with the much-vaunted consistency of his political career-his sentiments continuing quales ab incepto, from boyhood to old age, and they ask, how then, in the name of that consistency, can he deprecate and refuse

the repeal, of which he was the prophet and the panegyrist? And truly if my Lord Grey were compelled to answer this appeal, we know not how he could fashion his reply, seeing that he does openly glory in his age having only added, on political subjects, to the vehemence of his youthful passions, instead of imparting any of that wisdom and moderation which best befit gray hairs. He is not now the same Lord Grey, who some few years ago, so pathetically lamented that he stood alone among the politicians of his country, without either party or friends, and who, in adverting to this very topic of the superfluous effervescence of his political zeal in former days, so eloquently, (would that it had been as truly) added "non eadem est ætas-non mens."

As to my Lord Plunket, he is also disposed of by the Irish agitators without much ceremony.* No one, say they, can forget the eloquent-the soulstirring speeches of the Irish Hamilcar against Lord Castlereagh upon the Union question-except indeed himself. Nor is this all, for after these ancient fond records have been raked up, to cast in the teeth of their old friend, the agitators go farther, and with a pregnant allusion to the impossibility of resistance to Ireland's claim of independence by a Ministry which is the avowed and active champion of all such nations as struggle for freedom and independence, on the continent of Europe. Ireland is to Britain what Belgium was to the Dutch, and the orators take great credit to themselves for moderation (as very well they may from the present Cabinet) for not seeking a new dynasty to reign over them, but contenting themselves with demanding only a domestic legislature.

And shall we be told that men who have shown and proved themselves thus watchful, to lay hold upon every word and principle of former days, and to use them for their present ends, against those who have given them emancipation and reform-shall we be told that they will stop short at a partial church spoliation, once the principle was ad

February 21, Mr. Hawthorn presented the following Report from the Committee of Agriculture:

"The Committee of Agriculture, to whom was referred on the 24th ult. the letter of Mr. Alexander Kinmonth, and the documents connected therewith, claim

ing on the part of Colonel Close, two premiums offered by the Society in February last, for the erection of the greatest number of cottages, and for the allocation of land thereto, having investigated these claims, and having had a communication with Colonel Close thereupon, who has fully confirmed and certified the facts as set forth in Mr. Kinmonth's letter, are of opinion, that Colonel Close is entitled, under the list of premiums held out by the Society, to receive the Gold' Medal for each of the two objects set forth in No. 4 and No. 5, "The Committee cannot omit the opportunity of congratulating the Society and the public, on the patriotic and praiseworthy example set by Colonel Close to the landed proprietors of Ireland, towards ameliorating the condition of their tenantry, by providing comfortable residences for them.

"The Committee have further to report, that they have considered the expediency of renewing the offering of premiums proposed last year by the Society for the above and several other objects of general utility, and they recommend to the Society to sanction the same, with the exception of the second premium.

"C. STEWART HAWTHORNE,
"Chairman."

"To the proprietor or tenant in Ireland who shall report the most successful experiment in laying down a field to permanent pasture, not being less than five English or statute acres, and which shall afford the best combination of the finer grasses, for giving a renewed succession of plants in proportion to the advance of the season,

The Gold Medal, or Ten Sovereigns. "The land which is the subject of the experiment, must have been pastured for at least one season, exclusive of that in which the report is given in, and a certified account must be transmitted of the kinds and quantity of the grass seeds sown. The nature of the soil must also be stated particularly, and the expenses accurately detailed.

already built on an improved construction, for the accommodation and promoting the comforts of the labouring poor, a quantity of land less than one Irish acre. The Gold Medal. "It is not intended to prescribe any specific form of building or materials, only the covering to be of slates, if they can be procured at a reasonable price.

"The competitors must furnish the Society with the plans, surveys, estimates, and accounts of expenditure, together with a certificate signed by at least one of its Members, the clergymen of the different religious persuasions, or some of the resident gentlemen, setting forth their personal examination of the cottages, when finished, the manner in which the work has been executed, and their fitness to promote the comfort and health of the inhabitants.

FIFTH PREMIUM.

Quantity of Land required to Support a Labourer's Family, and enable him to keep a Cow.

"For the best account founded on actual experience in Ireland, of the quantity of land of an average quality which would be required to supply a labourer's family, consisting of two grown persons and two children, with all necessary culi nary vegetables, including potatoes, to enable him to keep a pig or two, and likewise maintain a cow all the year round. The Gold Medal. "See Martin Doyle's Hints to Small Farmers,' Allen on Home Colonies,' and Cobbett's Cottage Economy.'"

February, 28, The following letter from Mr. Professor Davy was read :

Royal Dublin Society's Laboratory. "DEAR SIR-I beg you will acquaint the Royal Dublin Society, that the Corporation of Tallow Chandlers and Soap Boilers of Dublin, recently requested me to make some comparative experiments on the Soaps imported into Ireland, and the Soaps of home manufacture, with a view to assist the Corporation in investigating the causes of the present ruinous state of the Irish Soap Manufacture, and, if possible, to procure legislative relief. Being anxious to render every assistance in my power to the Manufactures of this country, I immediately commenced those experiments, (which will be made at no expense to the Society,) and I have made conside

rable progress in them, and I purpose, with the concurrence of the Society, to finish them forthwith, as the results are wanted to lay before the Government. The subject of the Irish Soap Manufacture has just been before Parliament, and is shortly expected again to come under the consideration of the Legisla

ture.

"I remain, dear Sir,

"Your's faithfully,

"EDMUND DAVY.

"Edward Hardman, Esq., &c. &c. &c."

March, 7, The following report of the Committee of Botany was read:

"The Committee of Botany have to report that the Hydraulic Ram, lately erected at the Botanic Garden, is now complete, and that an ample supply of water is conveyed by it, from the River, to a Reservoir, formed for its reception, in the neighbourhood of its Conservatories and Hothouses; that a plan and estimate have been laid before the Committee, by Mr. J. M. D'Olier, one of its members, for the erection of an Ornamental Fountain, in the centre of the Reservoir, which the Committee conceive would not only be highly conducive to the improvement and beauty of the Garden, but would be of the utmost importance, in bringing water into the Houses for the supply of the Plants, without the necessity of opening doors. The expense of this would not much exceed £30. They beg to recommend to the Society to empower the Committee to have the same executed on the most reasonable terms: and if they shall be pleased to approve of the recommendation, the Committe request that a sum of £35 may be placed at their disposal for the same.

"JOSEPH CLARKE, Chairman." The Assistant Secretary having announced to the Vice-President in the chair, the lamented death of their highly talented and esteemed Professor of Mineralogy and Keeper of the Museum, Sir Charles Giesecké, which melancholy event took place in the afternoon of Tuesday last very suddenly.

Resolved-That the Society do express, by placing the same on the Minutes of their Proceedings, their sincere sorrow at the loss they have thus sustained, and the high sense they entertain of the long-tried talents, as a Scientific Professor, and the amiable manners and chararcter, as a gentleman, of the late Sir Charles Giesecké.

we

The powers of good and evil appear to be engaged in mortal conflict in these Islands. The latter, although naturally inferior in strength, has nevertheless by its superior industry and unwearid perseverance prevailed against its more powerful enemy. Yet, not withstanding those partial victories and the mischiefs they have done cannot look upon the conflict without feeling some degree of pleasure. The allies of evil, indeed, appear to have gained a signal and enduring advantage by their late triumphs, by one of which they almost destroyed the constitution, and by the other they fondly imagine that they have overwhelmed the church. But we confidently trust that their hopes are unfounded, and that their conquests will not be of long endurance. The friends of peace and order and humanity have been violently roused from their repose, and we already see them advancing with superior force and equal activity to meet and conquer their implacable foes. From the immense powers now entrusted to the populace of these kingdoms, and from the quickness and freedom with which statements and arguments, whether true or false, whether in favour of good or evil, are disseminated through the country, there remain now no means of success for any party but through the instrumentality of the populace, and no means of acquiring the possession of those instruments except by appealing to their feelings to their understandings or their con

sciences.

For a long time the enemies of peace and order have been unremitting in their endeavours to mislead the minds and cor

rupt the hearts of the lower classes, and in their pernicious exertions have met with no opposition, except from the feeble and ineffectual forces of law and criminal prosecutions. But no pains, or comparatively little, were taken to unteach what they had taught, and to leave no room if possible for the most destructive errors, by pre-occupying the minds of the people, and bringing home to their understanding, the strong and simple arguments in favor of the most useful and important truths. The lovers of truth and justice were too often disgusted by the bigotry and narrow-mindedness of those who were opposed to them. They forget that many of the followers, and even of the advocates of falsehood were on that side, only because truth had never been clearly presented to their eyes. Unfortunately overlooking this plain consideration, they trusted to the law as if it were an effectual or the only means of preventing the mischief, which the spread of delusive doctrines had a tendency to occasion. The unfair temper and unwillingness to hear arguments contrary to their present opinions, which the people generally exhibit on occasions of public debate, were too often deemed a sufficient reason to abstain from them, on the specious grounds that it is to no purpose to argue with men who will not treat you fairly and who are determined not even to listen to any arguments in favor of the opinions, which at the time they chance to consider as erroneous, or hostile to their interests. But even this disposition in the people, how ever unfair it certainly is, and prejudicial to the cause of truth, is now justly considered as itself a delusion and among those mistaken opinions which may the most easily be removed by force of argument.