by a proper establishment, had expressed their opinion that no notice ought to be taken of the debts at all. The question, he would remark, at present, was not what part of the income should be appropriated to the payment of the debt, nor did the instruction he meant to propose go so much as to narrow even the largest sum that had been suggested for that purpose. The only question was, whether the aid of parliament ought to be given to his Royal Highness, by adopting legislative regulations for the discharge of debts, which, it was admitted on all hands, ought never to have been contracted. Without any retrospect to the past, over which Mr. Pitt said he wished to draw a veil, he appealed to the fair and candid feelings of the House, whether they could refuse to adopt a measure so necessary for the character and credit of his Royal Highness, so infinitely connected with his personal comfort and the splendour of his rank? Could they refuse to concur with his Royal Highness in appropriating a large part out of the income allotted him, in order to relieve him from the embarrassment of debt? The business appeared to him to rest upon so plain a proposition, and to be itself so self-evident, that, reserving all particular details for future discussion, he trusted that what he had now to propose would meet the almost unanimous concurrence of the House. Mr. Pitt concluded with moving an instruction to the committee, that another committee should be appointed to bring in the bill relative to a general regulation of his Royal Highness' expenditure, and the appropriation of part of his income to the discharge of his debts.

The substance of the arguments of those who opposed Mr. Pitt's motion, may be gathered from the speech of Mr. Duncombe (one of the members for York), who stated that he was one of those who, on a former day, had voted for the smaller augmentation of the Prince's income. At a time,' said this gentleman, when the comforts and conveniences of life are wanting to the middling classes of society, when the poor are scarcely supplied with even common necessaries, and when the

prospect of a dearth* becomes every day more alarming, I cannot listen to the idle claims of splendour and magnificence; I trust that at such a season, the feelings of his Royal Highness will dispose him rather to sympathize with the distress of the lower orders, and to sacrifice something for their relief, than to form selfish and extravagant pretensions. There is another consideration which deserves to be attended to. In these distempered times, let us beware how, by an unnecessary or wanton profusion of the public money, we furnish the favourers of wild and dangerous innovations with a colour and plausibility for their arguments. As a friend to the hereditary monarchy, as an adherent to the family on the throne, I feel myself called upon to resist the motion. Let us recollect that there are other branches of the royal family. If, after the assurance we have received, we again consent to pay the debts of his Royal Highness, we shall establish a precedent, of which we cannot tell to what purpose it may be applied, or to what extent it may be carried. I do not mean to say that the debts ought not to be paid, but I look to other resources for that purpose. I look first to the justice of his Royal Highness to make provision for the payment of those debts that shall be proved to be just: many of them, I apprehend, do not come under that description. I look to future economy in the regulation of his household; and lastly, I look to the assistance he may derive from the well known munificence of his royal father. As the idea of temporary retirement has been suggested, I have only to remark, that from such a retirement his Royal Highness might reap great advantage in settling his affairs, and be again enabled to emerge with fresh splendour. Retirement, it has been remarked, is the nurse of reflection; by its influence, his Royal Highness might be enabled to confirm those resolutions which he has expressed in his communication to the House, and to return again into public life, fortified against future error, and qualified for the

* The harvest of 1795 was at this period very unpromising and afterwards turned out extremely unfavourable.

important duties of that high station which he may one day be called to fill.

The allusion to assistance that might be expected from the King, was repeated by Mr. Curwen and other members, and commented on by Mr. Dundas, who said, he was surprised at one resource which had been pointed out by some honourable gentlemen, in the affection and benevolence of his royal father. (A cry of hear, hear, pervaded the House.) That cry, Mr. Dundas said, he was confident, could only proceed from a few voices, and by no means discovered the general feeling of the House on the subject. They had repeatedly had occasion to examine the situation of his Majesty with respect to the civil list, particularly on occasion of granting establishments to the Duke of Clarence, and to the Duke of York on his marriage. They might recollect, that on the arrangement formerly made with respect to the debts of his Royal Highness, part of that provision arose out of the liberality of his Majesty. The civil list was indeed large, but was wholly appropriated to particular services, except the sum allotted for his Majesty's privy purse. The idea of such a resource arose out of the miserable feeling which he was surprised that any gentleman could entertain. He knew not (and his means of information were as good as those of any other member) of the existence of any such sum, as that which had been referred to. Besides, he would ask, with that numerous family with which his Majesty was blessed, were there no other objects who claimed his royal munificence and attention? The Prince of Wales was the last who might be supposed to have such a claim; he, from the situation in which he stood, was the peculiar care of the public. Allusion might be made to the revenues which his Majesty derived from the electorate of Hanover. But had his Majesty no state to support in that quarter? Was he to rob his Hanoverian subjects in order to pay debts contracted in this country by the heir apparent to the British crown? The appeal that had been made on this subject he could consider as neither fair nor candid, and, as such, he should dismiss it without further observation.

These remarks of Mr. Dundas drew a most animated speech from Mr. Fox. That great statesman enlarged, in the most eloquent terms, upon the glorious opportunity afforded in the present instance for the display of royal munificence, and lamented that his Majesty had not been advised to lead the way upon this occasion. He did not mean to say that the whole 600,000l. should be paid by his Majesty; but he would say, because he felt, that it was a little unseemly, at a time of such general calamity, that his Majesty should be the only person in the kingdom, who did not contribute a single farthing towards the discharge of the incumbrances of the Prince of Wales. This, he could not help repeating, was unseemly. He hoped his Majesty would be better advised upon this subject. A glorious opportunity offered itself for the display of royal munificence; and a handsome conduct upon such an occasion as this, would do even more for the constitution than the most vigorous exertion of the arm of power. It was with this view he had contended, and sorry he was he had contended unsuccessfully, against the additional 100,0007. a year to the income of his Majesty himself, during the continuance of the American war; because, when all the subjects of his Majesty felt so much during that war, he thought that his Majesty would do well to show them a lesson of frugality and economy. If this principle were correct, and the application of it just at that time, how much more was it now, when the question ishow many burdens are to be laid upon the public to relieve the Prince of Wales from debt?' He would say again, it was unfortunate that some person had not advised his Majesty to lead the way upon this occasion, to shew the public an example of liberality, and to convince them that he felt, himself, the necessity there was for indulging a generous temper. Happy should he be, when this subject should come to be discussed, if the house, by a gracious communication, should be given to understand that the illustrious personage to whom he alluded, intended to take some share in the contingent burden which might be felt.

On the 5th of June, Mr. Pitt presented to the House of

Commons an account of the proceeds of the duchy of Cornwall, during the minority of the Prince of Wales, an abstract of the debts which his Royal Highness had incurred, and an account of the application of 25,000. for finishing Carlton HouseFrom these documents it appeared that the several sums paid from the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall during the minority of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales amounted to 233,7647. 11s. 2d.

£. S. d

Debts on various securities, and bearing interest 500,571 19 1 Amount of tradesmen's bills unpaid

Tradesmen's bills, and arrears of establishment,

from October 10, 1794, to April 5, 1793

86,745 0 0

52,573 5 3

Mr. Pitt then stated, that it was his intention to move in the committee, that 65,000l., with the income of the duchy of Cornwall, should be set apart for the liquidation of the debts, making an annual sum of 78,000l. The burden, he said, could not be thrown upon the civil list, which in the event of the demise of the Prince, would be charged with the jointure of the Princess. He should therefore move, that the committee have a discretionary power to provide, out of the hereditary revenue of the crown (in case of the demise of his present Majesty) during the life of his Royal Highness, for the payment of his debts; and, in case of the demise of the Prince, to provide out of the consolidated fund for the payment of such sums as should then remain unpaid. He explained, that for several reigns it had been thought proper to commute the hereditary revenue for a civil list. The mode he proposed was at once calculated to give security to the creditors, or, in the event of an accession to the throne, to render his Royal Highness responsible for the payment of his remaining debts.

One of the most eloquent speeches delivered at this interesting period, and which made the deepest impression on the