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duals, but on a compact of law; and it was vain to talk of a thing being voluntary where no real option was left. We are now called upon (said he) for our last military stake, the militia; and it is natural to ask, where we are to look for defence? Is the danger, to which the public attention was so forcibly directed, less now than it was? Before the trials at Maidstone took place, we were informed by a right honourable gentleman opposite (Mr. Dundas) that dangers of the utmost magnitude existed, and he called up on men to forget their political divisions, and unite in the great object of national defence. Many of those who had been in the habit of opposing ministers showed a zealous disposition to support the great object of national defence; and in many cases they have been answered by a behaviour highly discreditable to ministers." As an instance, he mentioned the case of his ho nourable friend (general Tarleton), who manfully offered his services wherever they could be employed. Notwithstanding, however, they were rejected with contempt. After remarking some instances of the same kind, he concluded with concurring in the amendment.

Mr. Dundas said, that he had no reason to regret that he did not detain the house in making his motion, by endeavouring to explain the reasons for making it; neither should he even now have thought it necessary to say much, but for some personal allusions. With respect to the idea, that this measure was unconstitutional. upon the ground that the militia was established as a check upon a standing army, he would only observe, that it was not upon this ground that the measure was moved, or

adopted. Relative to what he had said on a former occasion, respecting calling on all descriptions of people to prepare against the attack of the enemy, he was ready to be examined upon what he then said, and wished it might be compared with what he now proposed. He admitted at once, that at that time he distinctly stated, in plain language, that the salvation of this country depended entirely on its own exertions; and he would now say, that twelve thousand of the militia ought to be sent to Ireland; and that was the resolution he intended to propose, should the house agree to the address which he had moved. He begged gentlemen to recollect the change which haạd taken place since the time he made the declaration that this country must make great preparations against the enemy. At the beginning of this year our militia were about 36,000 men, now they were 100,000 men. At that time we had cavalry forces of about 7,000 men, we now had about 20,000: he should be relieved, therefore, from any charge of inconsistency, in having at one time said it was necessary for the people to prepare for the safety of the country, and now to propose to send out of the country part of its force. All he desired gentlemen to allow was, that there was now an existing rebellion in Ireland; and of what nature was that rebellion? The honourable gentleman himself would not venture to tell him that there did not exist a great body of low people, who wished to separate that country from this, through the arms of France. What consistency, then, was there between the observations and the proposition of the honourable gentleman, "that Ireland should not be a post

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of France." Need he say, that to give France Holland, Flanders, to and all the places upon the continent opposite to our coasts, was not so dangerous to Great Britain as if they had a post in Ireland. To send troops to Ireland, therefore, to quell the rebellion there, was in other words sending troops to prevent the French from obtaining a post there; and that was in reality defending Great Britain. Gentle men called for documents to know that there was a rebellion in Ireland, but perhaps they wanted to know whether it was a justifiable rebellion. Did they mean to wait to settle this point until Ireland should become a province of France? for that might be the effect of their opposition to this measure being successful. Some gentlemen had wished to know whether there were not regular forces in this country that might be sent instead of the militia. The militia force, he had already stated, was more than double what it was a short time ago; nor bad he any scruple in saying, that if any part could be spared, it was out of the militia forces, because they could be most easily supplied and recruited. Mr. Dundas admitted, that the measure before the house was liable to many inconveniences, and that he felt great pain is being compelled to bring down the message. He admitted the truth of what had been said, viz. that many would go under this measure either from false pride or shame; but he hoped the house would feel with him, that, of all things, the rebellion in Ireland was the greatest inconvenience. With respect to what had been said of general Tarleton, he had said nothing about the propriety of employing him; however, he had no dout, if he was employed, he would

soon forget his politics, and become a very good officer.

He did not recollect that there were any more arguments for him to answer upon this occasion; the simple question was, whether the house would take upon itself the responsibility of letting the rebellion go uncrushed, when they had an opportunity of crushing it?— Those who thought they ought not to allow his majesty to have that advantage without examining into circumstances, and who chose to take upon themselves the responsibility of risking the fate of Ireland, and eventually of England itself, would give to his majesty advice accordingly.-Thank God, he was not of that opinion!

Mr. Sheridan said a few words in explanation, relative to what he had remarked respecting Ireland becoming a post of France.

Mr. Tierney said, if ever there existed a minister in the country who more than another should mourn for the country, it was the present: he should come to the house clothed in sackcloth and ashes, to find himself obliged, in the fifth year of the war, and after an expenditure of above two hundred millions of money, to bring down to that house such a proposition as the present. He then adverted to the circumstance of there being no official communication to the house of the rebellion, before parliament was called upon to take such an important step; this he considered as a serious omission. He said that the right honourable gentleman could not be at a loss for the form of communication; for the case of communicating the American affair to the house from the throne was directly in point; and said that those proceedings were such as should have been

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adopted on the present occasion. A week was then allowed before the king's message was taken into consideration; but how different was the mode adopted in the present instance. No communication whatever was made to parhiament of the existence of the rebellion. If Ireland was so situated, as that the presence of this body was essential to its preservation, it became necessary for him to watch the interests of England. He should not, he trusted, be suspected of a disposition to separate the interests of the two countries; but, if the interest of the one clashed with that of the other, it became him to recollect that he was a representative of England. If the honourable gentleman should attempt to convince him, that the measures pursued in Ireland originated in the agency of France, he would have great difficulty, as he could not conscientiously believe that France had any share in them. Not having the opportunity of reference to official documents, he could only form his opinion from such information as he was able to collect. For instance, he found that lord Fitzwilliam was of a different opinion, and that his lordship had not formed his opinion from the consequences of the measures which had been pursued ; but that he now referred to letters written three years ago, in which he urged the necessity of cencession to the catholics; and said, he should feel himself as much disposed to give credit to the noble lord, as to the statement of the right honourable gentleman. Mr. Tierney next read the preamble to the militia act; and observed, that the force was intended not only as a body for the defence, but that it formed a part of the constitution

of the country, from which the greatest advantages were derived. Where was a substitute to be found for this body? It was evident, he said, from the act, that the men, if disposed, should not be permitted to leave the kingdom, as the tenor of their oath was to serve faithfully in Great Britain. It was obvious, that a militia, embodied for five years, was sufficient for all domestic purposes; and, as there were 3,500 guards, he thought the militia were competent to do their duty. Mr. Tierney then reprobated the conduct of administration; and concluded by expressing his determination not to support, by a single man or a guinea, a government so administered as that of Ireland, until satisfied that the rebellion proceeded from French interference, operating on the discontented in that country; nor would he send 12,000 of the militia of this country to the assistance of men, whose conduct, he said, had been so scandalously disgraceful.

Mr. Wilberforce could not be satisfied with giving a silent vote on the measure, partly on account of its singularity, and partly because his sentiments and feelings did not exactly coincide with those which any gentleman had expressed in the course of the present debate. The honourable gentleman who had just spoken, had strangely and most unwarrantably contended, that the militia-men, by the engagement which they took on entering into that body, to serve anywhere in Great Britain, were precluded from serving out of Great Britain, even by their own consent. What sort of an argument was it, that by engaging to do a particular thing, or up to a certain extent, person precluded himself from doing something more, or beyond

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that extent, if he chose it. He felt it, however, his duty, to declare that he considered the measure as being but too likely to be productive of lasting injury to that most excellent institution the militia. Strong as he felt this objection to be, yet what was to be done? A rebellion to a most alarming extent had broken out in Ireland, and continued to rage, even with inCreasing violence. If it had grown into a maxim of unquestionable authority," in war, he who gains timeains every thing;" in the case of an insurrection in a country, circumstanced like Ireland, the maxim, was still more clear, and of infinitely more cogent application. Gentlemen argued against the measure, because they wished that conciliatory measures should be tried rather than coercive, and that the effusion of blood should be spared. It was precisely these very considerations, Mr. Wilberforce declared, which urged him most powerfully to support the present measure. The force ac tually in Ireland, at present, might perhaps be sufficient in the end to reduce the rebels to subjection; but it could only be after a long and severe struggle; and if the house wished to disspirit, the rebels. and to induce them to desist from their efforts, they must strengthen the arms of government by powerful reinforcements, in order to convince them that all further resistance would be fruitless. Mr. Wilberforce said he was convinced, that the measure was in itself objectionable, yet he must give it his decided support on the ground of necessity, and still more on the principle of its being calculated to spare the effusion of human blood. Lord George Cavendish said a few words against sending the mi

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litia to Ireland, as being entirely unconstitutional.

Sir W. Pulteney agreed with gentlemen on both sides, that this was a question of great importance, and must have a great effect on the militia in future. The rebellion, however, was not owing to jacobins and he was afraid that sending the militia was now unavoidable; but this was no excuse for those who brought us into the embarrassment.

Mr. Manning was anxious that the measure should be carried into effect with as much attention to constitutional principles as possible. He wished that his majesty should be empowered to offer a bounty to such militia-inen as should choose to enter, to fill up the vacancies in skeleton regiments; that the militiamen should have permission so to do; and that they should receive bounty. Thus not a moment's delay would be occasioned in sending troops to Ireland; and thus, having raised 12,000 men constitutionally, it would be easy to fill up the vacancies in the militia from the supplementary corps. He should, however, vote for the amendment prososed by Mr. Banks.

Mr. Dundas rose to explain, but was prevented by the speaker.

Mr. Ryder said a few words: after which the house divided on the question for the amendment. Ayes Noes

47

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bill. He thought, that before the country was stript of the militia, means should be taken for the defence of this country, the situation of which was as critical as Ireland. He entered into a statement of the military force of the kingdom, and concluded, that the force to which the defence of the whole coast of England and Scotland, arsenals, &c. was committed, were only 37,000 men, who had carried firelocks a year. The volunteer corps were not in such a state of discipline as to be effective, and the provisional cavalry were not to be relied upon.

Mr. Dundas made a short reply, and contended, that the volunteer corps which had come forward to offer their services, had been pronounced, by officers of the militia, to be in such a state as to be effective, if necessity required; and the provisional cavalry were, in general, a corps which, in case of emergency, might prove of the greatest advantage to the country.

Mr. Jekyll said, in obedience to the dictates of his own conscience,

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were laid before the house, to prove that an unnatural and wicked rebellion raged in Ireland, how could we know but that the people of Ireland had a right to make this resistance-(A murmur of disapprobation arose, and Mr. secretary Dundas moved that the standing order for excluding strangers be enforced, upon which the speaker ordered the gallery to be cleared).

for some time; after which the The debate continued house divided on the question for the second reading of the bill.

Ayes
Noes

Majority

43

11

32 The bill was afterwards read a third time and passed.

CHA P. VII.

Affairs of Ireland. The late Rebellion connected with remote Causes. Brief Sketch of the History of Ireland, as relating to those Causes. National Character of the Irish Peasantry. Concessions made to the Roman Catholics. Further Concessions required. Ill Policy of Lord Fitzwilliam's Administration. Republican Faction in Ireland. Society of United Irishmen-Its Institution. Views of the Society. Theobald Wolfe Tone. Constitution and Laws of the Society. Affiliated System. Orange Men, Defenders. Convention Act. Connexion formed by the United Men with France. Mission of Jackson. His Trial and Conviction. Trial of Stone. Flight of Tone, Rowan, and others. United Irishmen joined by Mr. O'Connor. Accredited Minister from the Irish Directory received at Paris. Invasion of Ireland. Why the French were not supported by the Peasantry. Military Organisation of United Irishmen. Insurrection Act. New Plan of Invasion, Intended Insurrection. Conspiracy in Part developed to Government. Reports ́of Secret Committees. Secerities exercised in Ireland. Efforts made by the

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