most dear to them requires the continuance of their unremitted exertions for the national defence. Notwithstanding the daily augmentation of the preparations of the enemy to invade this kingdom, his majesty, relying on the skill, valour, and discipline of his naval and military force, aided by the voluntary zeal and native courage of his people, looked with confidence to the issue of this great conflict; and he doubted not, that, under the blessing of providence, it would terminate, not only in repelling the danger of the moment, but in establishing the security of this country on a basis never to be shaken. In addition to this first and great object, he entertained the animating hope, that the benefits to be derived from our success ful exertions would not be confined within ourselves; but that, by their example and their consequences, they may lead to the re-establishment of such a system in Europe, as may rescue it from the precarious state to which it is reduced, and finally raise an effectual barrier against the unbounded schemes of aggrandisement and ambition, which threaten every independent nation that yet remains upon the continent. The lord chancellor, by his majesty's command, then informed their lordships and the gentlemen of the house of commons, that it was his majesty's royal will and pleasure, that this parliament be prorogued to the 4th day of the ensuing Sepember.

We have now completed our analysis of the proceedings of parliament. A fair and candid statement of the arguments which have been advanced to support or to oppose the important measures submitted to the consideration of the house, has been the object which

we have endeavoured to keep steadily in view. No decided preference has been marked for one side of a question, in order to suppress any just or strong grounds of opposition which have been stated on the other. It has, however, been impossible to avoid giving a reasonable preference to that distinguished superiority in reasoning and in eloquence, to which several members of the British senate have established an almost exclusive pretension.

It must strike the attention of the most careless observer, upon a review of the various measures which came under the consideration of parliament, that the defence of the country was an object in which all parties, however divided in political opinions, felt and expressed the most anxious solicitude. Far the greater part of the grand and interesting disccussions which arose in the house, related to the various means necessary to be resorted to, in order effectually to provide for the national security. Never, perhaps, were military subjects so thoroughly canvassed at any former period; but upon no former occasion has the necessity of maturely considering the most efficient means of public defence been felt to the same extent. Even the spirit of party was instrumental to the establishment of the general safety. For, independently of the danger to which the country was exposed, during a considerable period after the recommencement of the war, and which was alone sufficient to rouse the energy and stimulate the vigilance of the late administration, their attention was incessantly directed to the security of the country by the proceedings of a zealous and active opposition. But if parliament was never before

upon which the security of the country must chiefly depend, was far from being placed upon that Extended establishment which the circumstances of the times seemed imperiously to require. The small extent of our regular army, and the many difficulties which obstructed its augmentation, which appeared mostly to arise from the formation of the other branches of our military force, may be regarded as the principal ground of the discontent that began to prevail. Defective as the military resources of the empire were represented to be in point of efficiency, the mode in which they were distributed was supposed to be no less a subject of complaint. The organization and distribution of the public force were thus converted into topics of frequent censure, and consequently tended to increase any existing dissatisfaction. The state and distribution of the naval force were equally exposed to animadversion. From the recommencement of hostilities, the time and attention of government had been almost exclusively engaged in defensive preparations, while those of the enemy appeared to increase in an accelerated proportion, and were besides destined for offensive hostility. Engaged in a doubtful contest with a powerful and active enemy, upon whom we had hitherto made no important impression, we were left to prosecute the war, without any expectation of successfully employing our offensive resources, and without a continental ally to assist us in accomplishing the great object of checking the inordinate ambition of France. The general measures of government were described as having assumed such a character of indecision, that ministers were sup

posed no longer to enjoy that de gree of public confidence, without which no administration can maintain its ground. Such was represented to be the state of things in the early part of the present year. About the middle of February, some traces were perceptible of a coalition which was forming for the express purpose of producing a change in the ministry. Mr. Fox, lord Grenville, and Mr. Windham, were supposed to have agreed upon an union of parliamentary exertions, in order to effect this object. It is not, however, to be imagined, that their opinions upon political topics entirely coincided: but with respect to the necessity of producing a change in the administration of affairs, their coincidence was entire. It does not appear, that, at this time, the efforts of Mr. Pitt were in perfect unison with their exertions. That he was decidedly adverse to the ministry was undoubted; that he was desirous of a change in the cabinet was equally manifest; but that he was disposed uniformly to co-operate with this new opposition, is a point upon which it is difficult to have recourse to positive assertion. Judging of the strength or weakness of an administration by the divisions in parliament, it ap pears, that in the month of April the stability of the ministry was radically shaken. For, upon a variety of occasions, their majorities in both houses were very inconsiderable. It is about this time that the opposition was strengthened by the accession of Mr. Pitt's powerful talents. To effect a change, generally, seems to have been the sole aim of their exertions. All arrangements for the formation of a new ministry appear to have been at this time deferred for

ulterior

ulterior consideration. One object, however, seems to have been understood by all parties; namely, the formation of a ministry upon comprehensive and liberal principles, in which the talents, character, and influence of the leading members of both houses were to be united, without any distinction as to party, and without any personal exception.

The first public intimation that a change in his majesty's government was in agitation, was indirectly communicated to the house of lords by lord Hawkesbury. On the 30th of April, the marquis of Stafford intended to submit to their lordships a motion relative to the defence of the country. Lord Hawkesbury requested that the noble marquis would consent to postpone his motion for a few days; stating, at the same time, that the reasons which had induced him, on the part of his majesty's government, to make this request, were of so peculiar a nature, that his duty would not then permit him to enter into any further explanation. It is supposed that on this day a resignation of part of the ministry took place, and that a communica tion from his majesty was made to Mr. Pitt, on the 3d of May, through the medium of the lord chancellor, The high office of chancellor of the exchequer was at this time offered to Mr. Pitt; but the tender is reported to have been made with express stipulations against the revival of the catholic question, and the admission into the cabinet of the great leader of the old opposition. On the 7th of May an interview took place between his majesty and Mr. Pitt, upon which occasion his majesty is said to have expressed no objection to lord

Grenville, earl Spencer, Mr. Wind. ham, or indeed to any of their friends, with one exception. Upon this point his majesty's resolution was unalterably fixed. A few hours after the interview, Mr. Pitt communicated the result to lord Grenville. His lordship, it has been stated, immediately observed to Mr. Pitt, that without including Mr. Fox in the administration, and without a complete abandonment of the principle of exclusion, not a single member of the new opposition would accede to any new ministerial arrangements. It may be proper to mention, that the leading members of the new opposition were, the lords Grenville, Minto, Fitzwilliam, Carlisle, and Spencer; Mr. Fox, Mr. Windham, Mr. Grenville, and Mr. Elliot. When the personal objection to Mr. Fox was stated to him, and the firm determination of those with whom he had lately acted, not to form any part of an administration from which he was to be excluded, his conduct is reported to have been equally magnanimous and disinterested. He professed his desire to see his majesty surrounded by a strong administration, and wished the members of the old and new opposition not to be influenced by any personal feeling, but to consult only the good of the country. He requested them to regard him, since it was his majesty's pleasure not to accept of his services, as an individual whose exclusion should have no influence upon their conduct, at a crisis when all personal considerations ought to give way to those immediately connected with the safety of the country. Notwithstanding this liberal and disinterested advice, they refused to accept of power without the support of his official co-operation; conceiving

conceiving that, at a time when the cordial union of the greatest public talents seemed to be alone competent to an able direction of public affairs, no essential benefit could result from the formation of a ministry upon any other than the most liberal and comprehensive principles. An explicit declaration of the sentiments of those with whom lord Grenville acted was formally made to Mr. Pitt, in a letter dated the 8th of May 1804, of which his lordship is universally believed to be the author. It was circulated for a considerable time in manuscript, before it appeared in print. In this state, the letter was put into our hands, with an assurance of its authenticity. Indeed, its authenticity has never been disputed, much less denied. We shall transcribe the whole of it, as it may be justly regarded as a document of importance, so far as it explains the actual opinions, views, and determination of a party, which was established upon enlarged and general principles, and which cannot fail to command, during its existence, an extensive and even powerful influence. It is as follows:-"I have already apprised you that all the persons, to whom, at your desire, I communicated what passed between us yesterday, agree with me in the decided opinion, that we ought not to engage in the administration which you are now employed in forming. We should be sincerely sorry if, by declining this proposal, we should appear less desirous than we must always be, of rendering to his majesty, to the utmost of our power, every service of which he may be graciously pleased to think us capable. No consideration of personal ease or comfort; no apprehension of responsibility,

nor reluctance to meet the real situation into which the country has been brought; have any weight in this decision: nor are we fettered by any engagement on the subject, either expressed or implied: we rest our determination solely on our strong sense of the impropriety of our becoming parties to a system of government which is to be form. ed, at such a moment 'as the present, on a principle of exclusion. It is unnecessary to dwell on the mischiefs which have already resulted from placing the great offices of government in weak and incapable hands. We see no hope of any effectual remedy for these mischiefs, but by uniting in the public service as large a proportion as possible of the weight, talents, and character, to be found in public men of all descriptions, and without any exception. This opinion I have already had occasion to express to you in the same words, and we have for some time past been publicly acting in conformity to it; nor can we, while we remain impressed with that persuasion, concur in defeating an object for which the circumstances of the present times afford at once so strong an inducement, and so favourable an occasion. An opportunity new offers, such as this country has seldom seen, for giving to its government, in a moment of peculiar difficulty, the full benefit of the services of all those who by the public voice and sentiment are judged mest capable of contributing to its prosperity and safety. The wishes of the public on this subject are completely in unison with its interests; and the advan tages, which not this country alone, but all Europe, and the whole civilized world, might derive from

the