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"Yet once attend, great Brunswick; nor in vain,
Hear thy imperial brother's clofing strain.
Thee from thy people may no thought divide,
The ftatefman's rafhnefs, or reformer's pride;
Reason and her fond vifions ftill diftruft;
What, but experience, makes a kingdom juft?
Fix'd on her ancient base let England reft;
And public danger arm the public breast;
On British fenfe depend. On foreign fame,
To proud Versailles the fatal ftranger came,
New laws, new policy, new truth to tell,
And by new maxims the vaft fabric fell.
Oh, fhould thy nation flight her juft alarms,
Nor Gallic truths dread more than Gallic arms,
Thy diadem muft fade; the Tyrian die
Sink in the fcarlet of democracy;

All dignities of brighter times will fail;
No wisdom o'er her midnight lamp grow pale,
But knowledge, fancy, genius, all retire,
And faint and death-ftruck learning will expire:
Look round the land, there nothing fhall be found
But fwords to guard and ploughs to till the ground.
Though now awhile beneath the afflictive rod
Supernal power may bid thy Albion nod,
Humbled in due proftration may fhe bend,
And her far-fam'd beneficence extend:
Then, all her ancient energies erect,

Strength from herself and from her God expect,
And on her rocky ramparts bold, alone

Maintain her laws, and vindicate thy throne." P. 35.

The preface to this poem might have been fhortened, with fome advantage, though there are ftrokes of humour in it too good to be loft, and curious particulars of Chinese manners, well calculated to carry on the jeft of the fuppofed tranflation. How an author, fo able as this, could give us polític, accented on the middle fyllable, in verfe 199 (unless by fome ftrange error of the prefs) it is not eafy to conceive. In general, the language is pure, and the verfification harmonious.

ART. III. Official Letters to the Honorable American Congress. Written during the War between the United Colonies and Great Britain, by his Excellency, George Washington, Commander in Chief of the Continental Forces, now Prefident of the United States. Copied, by Special Permiffion, from the original Papers preferved in the Office of the Secretary of State, Philadelphia. 2 Vols. 8vo. 14s. Cadell, 1795. THIS collection of papers, undoubtedly genuine, the pro

duction of an eminent perfon, and illuftrative of the tranfactions of a moft important period, in which he bore a dif

tinguished

tinguished share, cannot fail to be highly interefting. They become more fo, when confidered (as we are told by the editor, in his advertisement, they ought to be) as part only of a much more extenfive publication, comprehending almost all the documents which can be wanting to throw light "on many important tranfactions which have hitherto been involved in total darkness, or at beft but obfcurely perceived, and imperfectly understood." It will be rendered still further valuable, as fetting the characters of feveral diftinguished men in a clearer point of view; many of the interesting pieces which it is faid to contain, having been penned by the leaders, and principal agents, in the American Revolution. We truft that the hopes held out to us will at no diftant period be accomplished; and that the various information which the editor has had the good fortune to obtain from fuch authentic fources, will be given to us unmutilated, that we may be enabled to pursue, with fome juft expectation of fuccefs, an object fo interefting, and fo profoundly instructive, as the knowledge of the secret springs of that extraordinary political convulfion. A people, not only refifting, but throwing off, with an almost unanimous confent, their ancient government, under which they had been profperous to a great degree; who not only had fuffered no actual oppreffion, but had been protected and favoured; and doing this upon a view only of remote and poffible confequences expected to arife from a claim. powers, not precifely defined nor checked in their opinion, by fufficient conftitutional limitations: this is undoubtedly - a curious fubject of fpeculation.

The reader, however, muft not expect to find much in the prefent letters, which he did not know before. They are rather illuftrative of the character and talents of General Washington, than calculated to throw any new light upon particular tranfactions. Little or nothing will be found in them upon which any conjecture can be grounded, as to the real motives and intentions of the American leaders, or even of Mr. Washington himfelf, previous to the declaration of independence: unlefs, from expreffions like the following, in his letter of the 5th of October, 1775, "No profpect of accommodation, but the miniftry determined to push the war to the utmost," it may be thought reasonable to infer, that his views were then directed only to what he calls in another place," an amicable and conftitutional adjustment;" and, from the manner in which he speaks of Lord Drummond's Letter to General Robertfon, (See Vol. I. p. 93) that, as late

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BRIT. CRIT. VOL. VI. SEPT. 1795.

at

at least as February 1776, fuch an adjustment was in his contemplation, and not abfolutely beyond his hopes.

Confidered in an hiftorical light, the letters are almost exclufively confined to the details of military operations. Of many of the most important the public has been long in poffeffion. Many curious particulars, however, refpecting the diftrefs of the American armies at certain periods, and the means of fupplying their wants, and recruiting their numbers, will here be found, which have hitherto been fought in vain, and which could not be expected from any other fource.

We find, according to the editor's advertisement, that some material inclosures are wanting. As they are promifed in an appendix, the difappointment is foftened. It is not the fame with refpect to entire letters which appear to be wanting, and which we are told are no longer extant. As to the omissions diftinguifhed by afterifks, it is proper to obferve that there is no reason to fuppofe from the context, that they are of such a nature, as to make them a fubject for regret. Delicacy towards individuals feems to have occafioned the greater number of thefe chafms, and will probably prevent their being ever fupplied. In fome places virulent and abufive epithets appear to have been omitted, which neither good inanners nor good policy can wish to have restored.

The declaration of independence took place in July, 1776. It was proclaimed by General Washington, at the head of his army, with great promptitude and alacrity; and the manner of its reception, which he defcribes in p. 185 of Vol. I. fhows that the public mind was then fully prepared for the event. They who are moft perfuaded of the ambition of the American leaders, will yet probably be of opinion, in conformity to common experience, that the idea of erecting an independent ftate rofe out of fucceffive events; and can with as little reafon be imputed to the Colonies in the beginning of their refiftance, as a fyftematic defign of overturning the conftitution of America, and establishing an abfolute government there, to the British miniftry or Parliament, when the fcheme of taxing that country was first embraced, or at any period of the war. When differences arife between great portions of mankind, the want of any precife and adequate teft of their mutual fincerity, makes accommodation difficult in the extreme. But more particularly where the claim of one party to command, joined to a great apparent fuperiority of power, takes away from both the beft foundation for reciprocal confidence. Refentment, fear, and fufpicion, operate under fuch circmftances, with full force; and exaggerate and multiply the caufes of difcontent. Conceffion is

thought

thought infidious, fubmiffion infincere; and when the contest fubfides by the wearinefs of the combatants, and peace, and the lapfe of time give leifure and opportunity to investigate the caufes of events, from which fuch extenfive confequences have followed, we commonly find, in the leaders on both fides, more proofs of ability, and of virtue, than grounds to fufpect corrupt intention, or deficient prudence. The truth of this obfervation will hardly be difputed by those who impartially examine the numerous, ample, and authentic collections we poffefs concerning the civil wars in the last century; and, upon the whole, the moft diligent and attentive enquirer will be scarcely able to draw any other conclufion, than that of the utter infufficiency of human fagacity and prudence to controul or direct the courfe of events in thefe deplorable conjunctures. We see throughout the evident operation of a fuperior power, and are compelled to humble ourselves before the Almighty Difpofer of the Universe.

In the courfe of the letters before us feveral topics of general and particular policy are difcuffed, with great elegance and force of language; and with liberality of fentiment, as well as prudence, fagacity, and judgment. Among these may be enumerated the policy of impofing oaths of allegiance; retaliation in war; the treatment of prifoners; the policy of enlifting prifoners and deferters; the duty of government to restrain, in times of public diftrefs, the engraffing of neceffary articles to enhance their price. A better fpecimen cannot be selected than the following, concerning the exchange of prifoners.

"But perhaps it may be thought contrary to our interest to go into an exchange, as the enemy would derive more immediate advantage from it than we fhould.-This I fhall not deny but it appeared to me, that, on principles of genuine, extenfive policy, independent of the confiderations of compaffion and juftice, we were under an obligation not to elude it. I have the best evidence that an event of this kind is the general wifh of the country: I know it to be the wish of the army; and no one can doubt that it is the ardent wish of the unhappy fufferers themselves. We need only confult the tide of huma nity, and the fympathies natural to thofe connected by the cements of blood, intereft, and a common dread of evil, to be convinced that the prevailing current of fentiment demands an exchange. If the country, the army, and even the prifoners themfelves, had the precife idea of our circumftances, and could be fully fenfible of the difadvantages that might attend the giving our enemy a confiderable reinforcement without having an equivalent, they might perhaps be willing to make a facrifice of their feelings to the motives of policy. But they have not this knowledge, and cannot be entrusted with it; and their reasonings, of neceffity, will be governed by what they feel. "Were

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"Were an opinion once to be established (and the enemy and their emiffaries know. very well how to inculcate it, if they are furnished with a plaufible pretext), that we defignedly avoided an exchange-it would be a cause of diflatisfaction and difguft to the country and to the army-of resentment and defperation to our captive officers and foldiers to fay nothing of the importance of not, hazarding our national character but upon the moft folid grounds, efpecially in our embryo ftate, from the influence it may have on our affairs abroadit may not be a little dangerous to beget in the minds of our own countrymen a fufpicion that we do not pay the ftricteft obfervance to the maxims of honor and good faith.

"It is prudent to ufe the greateft caution not to fhock the notions of general justice and humanity, univerfal among mankind, as well in a public as a private view. In a bufinefs on the fide of which the paffions are fo much concerned as in the prefent, men would be readily difpofed to believe the worst, and cherish the most unfavorable conclufions. Were the letters that have paffed between general Howe and myself from firft to laft, and the proceedings of Congress on the fame fubject, to be published with proper comments, it is much to be feared-if the exchange should be deferred till the terms of the laft refolve were fulfilled-that it would be difficult to prevent our being generally accufed with a breach of good faith. Perhaps it might be faid, that, while the enemy refufed us juftice, we fondly embraced the opportunity to be loud, perfevering, inceffant in our claims; but the moment they were willing to render it, we receded from ourselves, and started new difficulties.-This, I fay, might be the reafoning of fpeculative minds; and they might confider all our profeffions as mere profeffions; or, at beft, that interest and policy were to be the only arbiters of their validity." Vol. II. P. 235.

The reafoning in this extract ftrongly applies, in many particulars, to the famous and important queftion, concerning the fufpenfion by Congrefs of the Convention at Saratoga, and their final refufal to execute the ftipulations of it. It is impoffible not to remark that this fubject, though certainly one of those most involved in darkness, and one which excited great aftonishment and indignation at the time, is paffed over almoft in total filence. It feems hardly poffible that a meafure, which might have produced fo great an effect upon the fituation and fentiments of the army, fhould have been determined without previoufly confulting General Washington; and all lovers of impartial history must regret that his opinion, whatever it may have been, and the arguments by which it was inforced, should not have been communicated to the world.

A propofition for invading Canada, in conjunction with the French, is examined in a masterly manner. It is a finished piece of reafoning, and deferves to be studied not merely for the ftyle, but for the important and interefting matter it contains, by all who afpire to conduct or to understand public affairs.

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