ers of the other colonial assemblies, or such committees as may be appointed for the purpose, and the lieut. governor prorogued the assembly.

In April 1771, the governor again convened the assembly, at Cambridge, and informed them of his appointment of captain-general, and commander in chief over the province, to which the council replied by a congratulatory address; but the house declined, and renewed their request to be removed to Boston, which was refused. The house again entered their protest, and appointed a new committee of correspondence.

The governor kindled a new spark, by informing the house, that "by his majesty's instruction, the tax-bills must be so qualified as to strike off the lists of all his majesty's officers in the province, that they may be exempt from taxes." To this, the house by message, expressed the following reply. "We know of no commissioners of his majesty's customs, nor of any revenue his majesty has a right to establish in North America. We' know, and feel a tribute, levied, and extorted from those, who if they have property, have a right to the absolute disposal of it." My pen would revolt at the task of recording events in succession, so trifling, and contemptible in themselves, were they not of the highest importance to shew, in how many insignificant ways, this modern Pharaoh multiplied his tasks, and vexations upon the colonies, in order to drive them into that union which was absolutely necessary to bring them into a state of separation from the dominion of this modern Egypt.

In May 1772, the Massachusetts assembly met again at Cambridge, when the governor informed them, that his majesty had made provision for his support, independ ent of the assembly; and then, by and with the advice, and consen of the council, he adjourned the assembly to Boston. He the house passed the following resolve

"That the making provision for his excellency's support, independent of the grants of the assembly, and his excellency's receiving the same, is an infraction upon the rights of the inhabitants, granted by royal charter."

At this time the Gaspee schooner, a noted revenue cutter in the Providence River, and which had been very vexatious to the Providence packet, made an attempt to board the said packet, on her way up from Newport, with passengers; but failed in her attmpt, and ran aground; which attempt so enraged the sons of liberty at Providence, that her principal citizens manned their boats; proceeded down the river; boarded the schooner; dismissed her crew, and burnt her. Commissioners were appointed by the crown to enquire into and try the cause with a reward of five hundred pounds, (and a pardon if an accomplice,) to any one who would discover and apprehend any of the persons concerned; but the commissioners were constrained to make report that "they can obtain no evidence."

During the summer, a plan was introduced by Samuel Adams, and others for learning the strength of every town in the province, on the side of liberty, and the rights of the country, by regular corresponding committees; and at the same time a more general alarm was given, by publishing the most spirited pieces in favour of liberty and their country's rights.

In November, a town meeting was called in Boston, and a committee of correspondence appointed accordingly.This committee entered pretty extensively into the field of natural liberty, and the rights of man, accompanied with a list of resolves, contradictory to the supremacy of British tyranny, and calling upon the citizens to awake from their slumbers, and rouse to the interest, and wrest the tree of liberty from the iron grasp of tyranny, and not suffer the ruthless hand of a despot to continue to waste her

choicest fruits. Six hundred copies of these circulars were struck off and distributed. These were directed to the selectmen in the several towns, and laid before their town meetings, where they were cordially received; and corresponding committees appointed, who transmitted the resolves of the several towns to the committee at Boston. Notwithstanding the governor exerted himself, with his friends, to counteract and defeat this plan, it succeeded to admiration, and the sons of liberty were thereby united in one undissoluble bond, that could never be broken.

These several town meetings passed generally a number of spirited resolves, which their committees transmitted to the committee at Boston, which are too numerous and lengthy to be inserted in this work. They may all be summed up in this one:

66

Resolved, That it is the first and highest social duty of this people, to consider of, and seek ways and means for a speedy redress of these mighty grievances, and intolerable wrongs; and that for the obtaining of this end, this people are warranted, by the laws of God and nature, in the use of every rightful act, and energy of policy, stratagem and force."

The governor, in order the more effectually to counteract this force, trumped up, in his speech to the assembly, the supremacy of Parliament, which served only to fan the flame; and the council in their reply assured him, that "the stamp act, with others of a similar nature, was the origin of all the uneasiness that has since taken place, and originated an enquiry into the nature, and extent of the authority by which they were made." All which is verified by the whole history of the subsequent proceedings.

It had ever been the custom for the governor and council, to dine in Fanuel Hall, at all general elections, with

all the distinguished officers of government; but such had now become the spirit of the day, that the town of Boston passed the following resolve, May 14th, 1773.

"Resolved, That if the council apply for Fanuel Hall to dine in, on the anniversary election day, the select-men should not grant it, but upon conditions expressed, that neither the commissioners of the customs, nor their attendants, nor the officers of the army and navy, stationed here for the purpose of enforcing unconstitutional acts of Parliament, by military execution, be invited."

This resolve caused an infringement of the ancient custom, and the hall was not applied for.

The same spirit raged in Virginia, and they resolved in their house of Burgesses, to maintain a mutual intercourse with their sister colonies, by passing the following resolutions.

"Resolved, That a committee of eleven be appointed, whose business it shall be to obtain the most early, and authentic intelligence, of all such acts, and resolutions, of the British Parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to, or affect the British colonies, and to keep up, and maintain, a correspondence, and communication with the sister colonies.

"Resolved, That the speaker transmit to the speakers of the several assemblies these resolutions, to be laid before their respective assemblies, and requesting them to appoint committees."

This measure met with the most cordial approbation of Massachusetts, and they devoted the first moments of their session to co-operate with Virginia, by appointing a committee of fifteen, who were directed "to prepare a eir

cular letter to the speakers, requesting them to lay the same before their respective assemblies, in confidence that they will comply with the wise, and salutary resolves of the house of Burgesses of Virginia."

These measures became general throughout the colonies. At this time the house of assembly were thrown into a state of high agitation by a confidential communication, from Mr. Samuel Adams, of sundry letters, written in Massachusetts, and sent to London, under the signature of Thomas Hutchinson, and Oliver, and five others, all recommending to ministers, coercive measures against the colonies. These letters had been procured by Dr. Franklin in London, and transmitted to his correspondent in Massachusetts. Although the communication to the assembly was strictly confidential, the letters soon found their way into the public prints; and the public mind was highly incensed. The house of assembly, in committee of the whole, reported "that the tendency and design of the letters aforesaid was, to overthrow the constitution of this government, and introduce arbitrary power into this province." Ayes 101, Nays 5.

When the house learnt that the letters had appeared in print, they took off the restriction, and gave them up for the public benefit. They also resolved to petition the king to remove Governor Hutchinson, and Lieut. Gov. Oliver from the government of the province. They also sent up the letters to the council, who laid them before the governor, and demanded an avowal or denial of their authenticity; to which the governor frankly acknowledged his own signature, and the council resolved to concur with the house in their petition for his removal. June 24th.`

These letters, with the doings of the assembly, were immediately circulated through the province, by the corresponding committee, in a circular appropriate to the oc