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wise combination of national powers. The evil he so much feared, was the entire irresponsibility of the judges, and their independence of the nation. He thus refers to this subject in his memoirs: “But there was another amendment, of which none of us thought at the time, and in the omission of which, lurks the germe that is to destroy this happy combination of national powers, in the general government, for matters of national concern, and independent powers in the states, for what concerns the states severally. In England, it was a great point gained at the revolution, that the commissions of the judges, which had hitherto been during pleasure, should thenceforth be made during good behaviour. A judiciary, dependent on the will of the King, had proved itself the most oppressive of all tools in the hand of that magistrate. Nothing, then, could be more salutary, than a change there, to the tenour of good behaviour; and the question of good behaviour, left to the vote of a simple majority in the two houses of Parliament. Before the revolution, we were all good English whigs, cordial in their free principles, and in their jealousies of their Executive magistrate. These jealousies are very apparent, in all our state constitutions; and, in the general government in this instance, we have gone even beyond the English caution, by requiring a vote of two thirds in one of the houses, for removing a judge: a vote so impossible, where any defence is made, before men of ordinary prejudices and passions, that our judges are effectually independent of the nation. But this ought not to be. I would not, indeed, make them dependent on the Executive authority, as they formerly were in

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England; but I deem it indispensable to the continuance of this government, that they should be submitted to some practical and impartial control; and that this, to be impartial, must be compounded of a mixture of state and federal authorities. It is not enough, that honest men are appointed judges. All know the influence of interest on the mind of man, and how unconsciously his judgement is warped by that influence.— To this bias add that of the esprit de corps, of their peculiar maxim and creed, ‘that it is the office of a good judge to enlarge his jurisdiction,' and the absence of responsibility; and how can we expect impartial decision between the general government, of which they are themselves so eminent a part, and an individual state, from which they have nothing to hope or fear? We have seen, too, that, contrary to all correct example, they are in the habit of going out of the question before them, to throw an anchor ahead, and grapple further hold for future advances of power. They are then, in fact, the corps of sappers and miners, steadily working to undermine the independent rights of the states, and to consolidate all power in the hands of that government, in which they have so important a freehold estate. But it is not by the consolidation or concentration of powers, but by their distribution, that good government is effected. Were not this great country already divided into states, the division must be made, that each might do for itself what concerns itself di

rectly, and what it can so much better do than a distant authority. Every state again is divided into coun

ties, each to take care of what lies within its local bounds; each county again into townships or wards,

to manage minuter details; and every ward into farms, to be governed each by its individual proprietor.— Were we directed from Washington when to sow and when to reap, we should soon want bread. It is by this partition of cares, descending in gradation from. general to particular, that the mass of human affairs. may be best managed, for the good and prosperity of all. I repeat, that I do not charge the judges with wilful and ill-intentioned errour; but honest errour must be arrested, where its toleration leads to publick ruinAs, for the safety of society, we commit honest maniacks to Bedlam, so judges should be withdrawn from their bench, whose erroneous biases are leading us to dissolution. It may, indeed, injure them in same or in fortune; but it saves the republick, which is the first and supreme law.” Neither, while abroad, was Mr. Jefferson a little, efficient in redeeming the credit of his government.— “Among the debilities of the government of the Confederation,” says he, “no one was more distinguished or more distressing, than the utter impossibility of obtaining from the states, the moneys necessary for the payment of debts, or even for the ordinary expenses of the government. Some contributed a little, some less, and some nothing; and the last, furnished at length an excuse for the first, to do nothing also. Mr. Adams, while residing at the Hague, had a general authority to borrow what sums might be requisite for ordinary and necessary expenses. Interest on the publick debt, and the maintenance of the diplomatick establishment in Europe, had been habitually provided in this way.— He was now elected, Vice President of the United States, was soon to return to America, and had referred our bankers to me for future counsel, on our affairs in their hands. But I had no powers, no instructions, no means, and no familiarity with the subject. It had always been exclusively under his management, except as to occasional and partial deposites in the hands of Mr. Grand, banker in Paris, for special and local purposes. These last had been exhausted for some time, and I had fervently pressed the Treasury Board to replenish this particular deposite, as Mr. Grand now refused to make further advances. They answered candidly, that no funds could be obtained until the new government should get into action, and have time to make its arrangements. Mr. Adams had received his appointment to the court of London, while engaged at Paris with Dr. Franklin and myself, in the negotiations under our joint commissions. He had repaired thence to London, without returning to the Hague, to take leave of that government. He thought it necessary, however, to do so now, before he should leave Europe, and accordingly went there. I learned his departure from London, by a letter from Mrs. Adams, received on the very day on which he would arrive at the Hague. A consultation with him, and some provision for the future, was indispensable, while we could yet avail ourselves of his powers; for when they would be gone, we should be without resource. I was daily dunned by a company who had formerly made a small loan to the United States, the principal of which was now become due ; and our bankers in Amsterdam had notified me, that the interest on our general debt would be expected in June; that if we

failed to pay it, it would be deemed an act of bankruptcy, and woull effectually destroy the credit of the United States, and all future prospects of obtaining money there; that the loan they had been authorized to open, of which a third only was filled, had now ceased to get forward, and rendered desperate that hope of resource. I saw that there was not a moment to lose, and set out for the Hague on the second morning after receiving the information of Mr. Adams' journey. I went the direct road by Louvres, Senlis, Roye, Pont St. Maxence, Bois le Duc, Gournay, Peronne, Cambray, Bouchain, Valenciennes, Mons, Bruxelles, Malines, Antwerp, Mordick, and Rotterdam, to the Hague, where I happily found Mr. Adams. He concurred. with me at once in opinion, that something must be done, and that we ought to risk ourselves on doing it, without waiting for instructions, to save the credit of the United States. We foresaw, that before the new government could be adopted, assembled, establish its financial system, get the money into the treasury, and place it in Europe, considerable time would elapse; that, therefore, we had better provide at once for the years '88, '89 and '90, in order to place our government at its ease, and our credit in security, during that. trying interval. We set out, therefore, by the way of Leyden for Amsterdam, where we arrived on the 10th. Mr. Adams executed 1,000 bonds, for 1,000 florins each, and deposited them in the hands of our bankers, with instructions, however, not to issue them until Congress should ratify the measure. This done, he returned to London, and I set out for Paris.”

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