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nation with troops, from which no service can be red-Chap sonably expected. v_

"The advocates for the ministry have, on this occa- 1^42 sion, afsected to speak of the balance of power, the pragmatic sanction, and the preservation of the Queen of Hungary, not only as if they were to' be the chief care of Great Britain, which, though easily controvertible, might, perhaps, in compliance with long prejudices, be admitted; but as if they were to be the care of Great Britain alone; as if the power of France were formidable to no other people; as if no other part of the world would be injured, by becoming a prey to an universal monarchy, and being subjected to an arbitrary government of a French deputy; by being drained of its inhabitants only to extend the conquests of its masters, and to make other nations equally miserable; and by being oppressed with exorbitant taxes, levied by fnilitary executions, and employed only in supporting the state of its oppressors. They dwell upon the importance of public saith, and the necessity of an exact observation os treaties, as if the pragmatic sanction had been signed by no other potentate than the King of Great Britain; or as if the public saith were to be obligatory to us only.

"That we should inviolably observe our treaties, and observe them, though every other nation should disregard them; that we should {hew an example of sidelity to mankind, and stand sirm, though we should stand alone in the practice of virtue, I shall readily allow; and therefore I am sar from advising, that we should recede from our stipulations, whatever we may suffer by performing, or neglect the support of pragmas c sanction, however we may be at present embarrassed, or however inconvenient it may be to assert it.

"But surely, that for the same reason we observe our own stipulations, we ought to excite other powers likewise to the observation of theirs, or at least not to contribute to hinder it. Bur how is our present conduct agreeable to these principles? The pragmatic sanction was consirmed not only by the king of Great Britain, but by the Elector likewise of Hanover, who is therefore equally obliged, if treaties constitute obligation, to desend the House of Austria against the attacks of any Vol. I. F foreign V. foreign power, and to send in his proportion of trodfJS t<t w support the Queen 6f Hungary.

"Whether these troops have been sent, those whose! province obliges them to have some' knowledge with foreign asfairs, can better insorm the House than I; but since we have not heard them mentioned in this debate, and have found by experience that none of the merits of that Electorate are passed over in silence, it may, I think, sairly be concluded, that the distresses of the illustrious Queen of Hungary have yet received na alleviation from her alliance with Hanover; that her corn•plaints have moved no compassion at that court, nor the justice of her cause obtained any regard*

"To what can be imputed this negligence of treaties^ this disregard of justice, this desect of compassion, but to the pernicious counsels of these men who have advised his Majesty to hire to Great Britain those troops which he should have employed in the assistance of the Queen' of Hungary; for it is not to be imagined that his Majesty has more or less regard to justice as King of Great Britain than as Elector of Hanover; or that he would not have sent his proportion of troops to the Austrian army, had not the temptation of greater prosit been industriously laid before him*

"But this is not all that may be urged against this conduct: For can we imagine, that the power of France' is less, or that her designs are less formidable to Hanover than to Great Britain; nor is it less necessary for the security of Hanover, that the House of Austria should be re-established in its former grandeur, and enabled ta suppon the liberties of Europe against the bold attempts for universal monarchy.

"If therefore our assistance be an act of honesty, and granted in consequence of treaties, why may it not equally be required of Hanover? And if it be an act of generosity, why should this nation alone be obliged to sacrifice her own interest to that of others? Or why should the Elector of Hanover exert his liberality at the expence of Great Britain?

"It is now too apparent, that this great, this powersul, this formidable kingdom, is considered only as a province to a despicable Electorate; and that, in consequence of a scheme formed long ago, and invariably pursued,


. sued} these' troops are hired only to drain this unhappy Chap. nation of its money. That they have hitherto been of s. ho use to Great Britain or to Austria, is evident beyond 1742* controversy; and therefore it is plain, that they are retained only for the purpose of Hanover;

"How much reason the transactions of almost every year have given for suspecting this ridiculous, ungratesul and persidious partiality, it is riot necessary to mention; 1 doubt not but most of those who sit in this House cart recollect a great number of instances, from the purchase os part of the Swedish dominions, to the contract which we are now called upon to ratify. I hope sew have forgotten the memorable stipulation for the Hessian troops j for the forces of the Duke of Wolfemluttle, Which we Were scarcely to march beyond the verge of their own country, or the ever memorable treaty, of which the tendency is discovered in the name*. The treaty by which We disunited ourselves from Austria, destroyed that building which we may perhaps now endeavour, without success, to raise again j and weakened the only power which it was our interest to strengthen;

"To dwell upon all the instances of partiality which have been shewn; to remark the yearly visits that have been made to that delightsul country; to reckon up all the sums that have been spent to aggrandize and enrich it, would be at once invidious and tiresome; tiresome to those who are are asraid to hear the truth, and to those: who are unwilling to mention sacts dishonourable or injurious to their country. Nor shall I dwell any longer on this unpleasing subject, than to express my hopes, that we shall no more susses ourselves to be deceived and oppressed; that we shall at length perform the duty of the representatives of the people; and, by resusing to ratify this contract, shew, that however the interest of Hanover has been preserred by the ministers, the parliament pays no regard but to that of Great Britain.

* In the deWe upon the Hanover Treaty (Anno 1725) it was alledged by Mr. Horatio Waif ole, "That the treaty be"tween the Emperor and the King of Spain might probably '' be cemented by a match between the eldest daughter of the "former, (now Queen of Hungary) and the Insant Don "Carlos."

F 2 The

Chap. V. The motion was agreed to upon a division ot 260 against 193.


More In July, 1743, Lord Wihmngtvfi died, and Mr.

changes^ Pelbam succeeded him at the Treasury, and Stbreymini" Mr. mnninglon succeeded Mr. Felhatn in the ofsice of Paymaster. On the zzd of December, 1743, Mr. Sandys being created a peer, Mr. I'elham was made Chancellor of the Exchequer.

i743. On the 1st of December, 1743, parliament met. The king's speech recited the affairs of the continent, which, from the late battle at Dettingen, and other events, had engaged the public attention. The usual motion for an address, in answer to the king's speech, brought on a long debate, in which Mr.. Pitt spoke against the motion, vi%.

"From what is now proposed, we may see, that whatMr- ^'n'S ever change we have got or may get, with respect to ip"C ft h foreign measures, by the late change in our administration, againlttne ^ flation is to eXpCct no change with respect to our doie S" fftestie affairs-. In foreign affairs I shall grant we have selt a very remarkable change. From one extreme, our administration haver quite run to the verge of another. Our former minister betrayed the interest of his country by his pusillanimity; our present minister (meaning Lord Carteret) sacrisices it by his quixotism. Our former minister was for negotiating with all the worldj our present is for sighting against all the world. Our former mini, ster was for agreeing to every treaty, though never so

trifhonoura-bte j our present will give ear to no treaty, though never so reasonable. Thus, both appear to be extravagant, but with this difference, that by the extravagance of our present, the nation will be put to a much greater charge than ever it was by the extravagance of

our former.

"It must therefore be allowed, Sir, that by a change Chap. V. of a sew men in our administration, we have got a change —x-^s of measures, so far as relates to foreign affairs; but with »743respect to our domestic .affairs, we have met with no change in our measures-, we can now, I think, expect none. The same screening, the same plundering, the same prodigal spirit prevails. The same criminal complaisance, we may depend on it, the same corrupt, extravagant and dangerous measures will be made use of. They have, I am convinced, been already practised; otherwise no minister would expect, that a British House of Commons would cram their address to their Sovereign with so many sulsome panegyrics upon the conduct of his ministers. I say, Sir, no minister would expect such complaisance; for I hope the Hon. Gentleman who made the motion will excuse me, if I suppose it was put into his hands by the minister; and if he thinks he has acquired honour by making such a motion, I promise him I shall never envy him the acquisition.

"The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last was in the right, when he said, in the beginning of the session we could know nothing in a parliamentary way of the measures that had been pursued. I believe we shall know as little in that way at the end of the session as we do at the beginning; for I am persuaded our new minister will, in this, as well as in every other step of his domestic conduct, follow the example of his predecessor, by getting a negative put upon every motion that may tend towards our acquiring any parliamentary knowledge of our late measures. But if we have no knowledge of them, surely it is as strong an argument for our not approving, as it can be for our not answering; and if nothing relating to our late measures had been proposed to be inserted in our address upon this occasion, I should not have taken the least notice of them; but whether I have any parliamentary knowledge or no, when an approbation is proposed, it lays me under a necessity to make use of the knowledge 1 have, whatever it may be, in order to determine whether 1 am to join or not in the approbation proposed. Suppose I had no knowledge of any of our late measures but what I have gathered from foreign and domestic newspapers, even that knowledge I must make use of when I am obliged, to-give my


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