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Cha*. X. industry, that all mankind were knaves alike j —,—J that the subjects of all Kings, ought to look fof honesty in the royal bosom; they said it resided no where else. This political blasphemy, came with unpardonable effrontery from the followers of a court, which owed its elevation to the true orthodox principles of the constitution.

CHAP. CHAP. XI.

Causes of the disagreements at Leicester-houseLord Harcourt and Dr. Hayter resign their posts of Governor and Preceptor to the PrinceDuke of Bedford's motion upon this fubjecl in the House of LordsFurther explanation of the principles inculcated at Leicester-house.

U PON the death of Frederick Prince of Qhap. Wales, the education of the Prince (George III.) XI. had been committed to Lord Harcourt as governor; to Dr. Hayter, Bishop of Norwich, as preceptor; and to Andrew Stone, Esq; brother to the primate of that name, as sub-governor; recommended by the Duke of Newcastle; and to Mr. Scott, as sub-preceptor, recommended by Lord Bolingbroke. In about a year and a half, a disagreement broke out amongst them, of a very interesting nature. It was said by the friends of Leicester-house, that the governor and preceptor did not discharge the duties of their trust with alacrity. But it came out afterwards, that this complaint lay dgeper than was at first supposed. There were two persons concerned in this afsair, causes 0f whom it is proper to mention particularly. Mr. the disaStone, was the most particular friend and adviser gr«m.enti of the Duke of Newcastle. The other, Mr. terhouse. Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, was in precisely

Chap, cisely the same situation and degree of credit XI- with Mr. Pelham. Between Mr. Stone and Mr. '753- Murray there subsisted the warmest intimacy; not only their friendship, but their principles and politics were persectly congenial. Lord Bute; who had been Lord of the Bedchamber to the late Prince, and was continued in the samily, gained a superior influence, by assiduity and attention. He was moreover savoured by the Princess. The reserve of Lord Harcourt, and the very orderly demeanour of the Bishop, gave great advantage, as well as opportunity, to Lord Bute, who excelled in the assumption of theatrical grace and gesture; which* added to a good figure, rendered his conversation particularly pleasing, and at length created a partiality in his favour. The Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pelham, had in-" formation of every circumstance at Leicesterhouse, in a little time, the Bijbop found some very improper books put into the hands of the Prince. Ke complained of this matter to the Lord Duke of Newcastle. And in a sew days Lord Harcourt fjarceiiri anrj the Bishop resigned. From the pe

and Dr. ;. . , , , • 6 , . . , V

Hayter n°d oi leaking this counter complaint, it became resign. a struggle between the p3rty of Leicester-house, and the Pelhams, which should have the power of educating the Prince. While this dispute was going on, a third party (the Bedsords) interfered for the same purpose, by attacking Stone and Murray. These gentlemen were charged with being Jacobites. Lord Ravensworth brought the charge. A committee of the Privy Council was directed to enquire into it. The committee sat

several several times upon it: but the two confidents had the address to acquit themselves, though Mr. Fawcett, Recorder of Newcastle,' swore to their 1753. having drank the Pretender's health several times.

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On the 22d of March, 1753, the Duke of Dnke of Bedford made the following motion in the House * of Lords: "That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to give orders, that there be laid before this House, the several examinations of the Lord Raven/worth, the Dean of Durham, Mr. Fauscett, the Lord Bishop of St. Asaph, the Lord Bishop of Gloucester, the Honourable Mr. Murray, his Majesty*s Solicitor General; Andrew Stcne, Esq; and such other examinations upon oath, as have been taken before the Lords appointed by his Majesty to enquire into informations of a very material nature, relating to a person in the service of their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales and Prince Edward; and the other persons mentioned in the course of the said examin3tions,likewise all letters and papers relative thereto, and the reportmadeby their Lord ships to his Majesty thereupon." But the Duke of Newcastle, and the rest of the ministry were against the motion; and therefore it was negatived. Lord Harcourt said in the debate, that he found he had no authority over the Prince's education, nor could he be of any service, unless the sub-governor and others (Scott and Cresset*) were dismissed, all of whom

* Crtsstt was Secretary to the Princess; and upon her recommendation, was appointed Treasurer to the Prince.

he

Chai>. he had strong reasons to believe, were Jacob" ties, XI' and therefore he had resigned. The Pelhamt 1753. thought they had gained their point, in the protection of Stone and Murray, and in appointing Lord Waldegrave and the Primate to succeed the resijmers; while the sact was, they were deceived and betrayed by itoeir own people. By this secret manœuvre, the influence and ascendancy of Lord Bute were completely established. At thit time was circulated by the Bedford party a remarkable paper, which the reader will find in the notes' And in the weekly paper, called

the

.\ A Memorial of several Noblemen and Gentlemen of the jirjl rank and fortune.

The Memorialists represent,

THAT the education of the Prince of Wales, is of the \\irnost'importance to the whole nation: that it ought always to be entrusted to noblemen of the most unblemished honour, and to prelates of the most distinguished virtue, of the most accomplished learning, and of the most unsuspected principles, with regard to government both in church and state: That the misfortunes which the nation formerly suffered, or escaped, under King Charles T. King Charles If. and King James II. were owing to the bad education of those Princes, who were early initiated in maxims of arbitrary power: That for a saction to engross the education of the Prince of Wales to them. selves, excluding men of probity and learning, is unwarrantable, dangerous, and illegal: That to place men about the Prince of Wales, whose principles are suspected, and whose Jjtlies in the mysteries of our saith is doubtful, has the most mischievous tendency, and ought justly to alarm the friends of their country, and of the Protestant succession: That for a minister to support low men, who were originally improper for the high trust to which they were advanced, aster complaints made of dark, suspicious, and unwarrantable methods made use of by such men, in their plan of education, and to protect and countenance such men in their insolent and unheard of behaviour to their superiors, is a foundation for suspecting the worst

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