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sirst effects of it were selt by Lord Granville, in a council, called on the affairs of Hanover, pre17447' vious to the meeting of parliament; when his Lordship proposed to continue the sixteen thouGranville sand Hanoverian troops in British pay, for the opposed in year 1745. This proposition was strongly opcouncil. p0sec]( ancj the council divided upon it. Four and himself were for it, and eleven against it. Eight thousand only was the number agreed upon. Lord Upon this deseat, Lord Granville took his re
Grenville solution to resign; and accordingly waited on his resigns. Majesty on Tuesday, the fourteenth of November, 1744, and resigned the Seals.
A new administration was immediately formed; or perhaps had been already formed, which, from the circumstance of its having arisen out of the coalition of parties, already mentioned, was commonly denominated the Broad Bottom. [The particulars of this change, the reader will sind in the general list of changes, at the end of the work.] Parliament met in November, 1744, and exhibited such a scene os unanimity, as had not been seen since the King's accession. The session clos1745. ed the second of May, 1745; immediately aster which, the King went to Hanover; having sirst added Lord Colham to the list of Lords Justices, for the administration of government during his absence, created him Field Marshall and given him a regiment of horse (late Neville's.')
In October, 1745, parliament met, on account of the Scots rebellion. There.was a short debate upon the address, in answer to the King's speech,
occasioned occasioned by an amendment offered by Sir Francis Dashwood, afterwards Lord Le Despencer, expressing, "That for the sirmer establishment of ^^ •* his Majesty's throne on the solid basis of his "people's affections, it shall be our speedy care "to frame such bills, as may effectually secure "to his Majesty's subjects the perpetual enjoy"ment of their undoubted right, to be freely "and sairly represented in parliaments, fre•« quently chosen, and exempted from undue M influence of every kind."
The motion was seconded by Sir John Phillips.
Mr. Pitt opposed the motion.—The amendment, he Mr. Pitt's said, being ofsered at a time so extremely improper as the reply, present, was fraught with a dangerous tendency. There .. . was only one motive to which this motion could be M'b* ascribed;' and it was, to make ministers odious in the eyes of the people, if they put a negative upon it. But the contrary, however, he would venture to say would be the sact; for, although motions of this kind are always popular, yet in this hour of distress and difficulty, when rebellion raged in the kingdom, and an invasion from France was expected, when the people were seriously intent upon measures of the highest consequence, they could not think savourably of those, who attempted to draw off their attention from subjects of alarm, to points of speculation. In such circumstance (hall we, he asked, employ ourselves, in contriving bills to guard our liberties from corruption, when we are in danger of losing them, and every thing else that is dear to us, by the force of arms? Would not this be like a man's amusing himself with making regulations to prevent his servants cheating him, at the very time that thieves were breaking into his house? But why are we to introduce this subject into the address ?—No country, no city, nor corporation have requested their representatives to bring in any such bills—the people are every where engaged in
making subscriptions, and forming associations, for defending their Sovereign, and themselves, against those, / who have traiteroufly conspired to rob him of his crown, 174$. and them of their liberties. Do gentlemen wish to give a turn to the spirit of the people, to create a contention about the constitution, that the kingdom may sall an easy prey to the enemy ?—"If, Sir, I did not know the Honourable Gentlemen, who made and seconded this motion, I should really suspect their having some such design; and however much I may, from my own personal knowledge, be convinced, that they have no such design, they may be assured, that if they do not withdraw their motion, the suspicion will be strong against them, amongst those persons who have not the honour of their acquaintance."
The motion was negatived, without a division.
On the fourth of November, 1745, the Hon, Alexander Hume Campbell,* brother to Lord Marchmont, moved, That an address be presented to his Majesty, most humbly to beseech his Majesty, that the officers in the new f regi
* Thi» gentleman had been brought into parliament on purpose to oppose Mr. Pitt. Some time aster, be left his friends, and was appointed Solicitor General to the Prince of Wales; but on the second of February, 1746, he was dismissed from that Prince's service.
f Several noblemen having raised regiments on account of the Scots Rebellion, for the Service of his Majesty, these new tegiments were 1
HORSE. Marquis of Granby's,
Duke of Montagu's Earl of Cholmondeley's,
Duke of Kingston's. Earl of Halisax's,
FOOT. Lord Viscount Falmouth's,
Duke of Bolton's, Lord Viscount Harcourt's,
uke of Bedford's, . Lord Gower's,
uke of Montagu's, Lord Herbert's,
Duke of Ancasttr's Lord Edgecumbe's.
men ts, merits, now raising, or already raised, may not be allowed any rank, after those regiments are broke. 'l7'^s,
Mr. Pitt reprobated this motion with warmth and Mr. Pitt's indignation. He said, that a commission, and the rank reply to implied by it, were inseparable. A commission con- Mr.Hume tained a power conserred by the King, by which the Campbell, person who received it, became subordinate to some, and superior to others. The motion, he contended, was irrational, contrary to common sense, and imprac- M-S. ticablc, as well as impolitic; by tending to discourage those noble persons, who were exerting their utmost influence in the service of their country. The officers who are to be employed under them, are, by this motion, he said, to be stigmatized, as unworthy of rank. These gentlemen are not driven into the army by necessity; but are offering themselves to serve their country in the day of distress, from motives of the warmest zeal. And shall we disgrace these men? Shall we check their noble and generous ardour in the hour of danger? Those who desire the House to agree to this motion, cannot be serious, or if serious, cannot be aware of the obvious construction of their conduct.—Is this the time, he asked, that loyalty ought to be stigmatized, instead of being rewarded with honour? Are gentlemen endeavouring to obtain that object by oblique paths, from which they are restrained in the direct way? The motion at best is suspicious; it is paradoxical.
The argument in support of the motion, is an insult upon the whole army; for it is this, That the army will behold with discontent this new promotion of officers. The very assertion is an impeachment of the allegiance of the army. It would be a reproach to the dignity of this House, if our deliberations here, ,were to be influenced by the views of any class of men. The right of deciding what measures are most conducive to the public interest and security, belongs not to the army, but to this House.
Those who advise us to deny rank to the new officers, advise iis to deny what the King has already granted, 'and what he had an undoubted right to grant;—they 1745* advise us to vacate his commissions, and to break his promises;—they advise us to weaken him, at the time that he wants the most assistance j and to shew to our enemies, that he is at variance with his parliament*
• . The motion was negatived.