done in the Summer Islands;) then may it be inferred, that this demand of the Gauls held more of reason than could be discerned at the first view.

For if the title of occupiers be good in land unpeopled, why should it be bad accounted in a country peopled over thinly? Should one family, or one thousand, hold possession of all the southern undiscovered continent, because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana, or about the straits of Magellan? Why might not then the like be done in Afric, in Europe, and in Asia? If these were most absurd to imagine, let then any man's wisdom determine, by lessening the territory, and increasing the number of inhabitants, what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a region in such manner, that the land shall neither be too narrow for those whom it feedeth, nor capable of a greater multitude? Until this can be concluded and agreed upon, one main and fundamental cause of the most grievous war that can be imagined is not like to be taken from the earth.

It was perhaps enough in reason, to succour with victuals and other helps a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seek a new seat, or to direct them to a country able to receive them. But what shall persuade a mighty nation to travel so far by land or sea, over mountains, deserts, and great rivers, with their wives and children, when they are (or think themselves) powerful enough to serve themselves nearer hand, and enforce others unto the labour of such a journey. I have briefly shewed in another work, that the miseries accompanying this kind of war are most extreme : forasmuch as the invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied than by rooting out or expelling the nation upon whom they fall.

And although the uncertainty of the tenure by which all worldly things are held ministers very unpleasant meditation; yet it is most certain, that within 1,200 years last past, all, or the most part of kingdoms to us known, have truly felt the calamities of such forcible transplantations; being either overwhelmed by new colonies that fell upon them, or driven,

b Gen. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 2.

as one wave is driven by another, to seek new seats, having lost their own.

Our western parts of Europe, indeed, have great cause to rejoice, and give praise to God, for that we have been free above 600 years from such inundations as were those of the Goths and Vandals; yea, from such as were those of our own ancestors, the Saxons, Danes, and Normans: but howsoever we have, together with the feeling, lost the memory of such wretchedness as our forefathers endured by those wars; (of all others the most cruel ;) yet are there few kingdoms in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last 600 years.

It were an endless labour to tell how the Turks and Tartars, falling like locusts upon that quarter of the world, having spoiled everywhere, and in most places eaten up all by the roots, consuming (together with the princes formerly reigning, and a world of people) the very names, language, and memory of former times. Suffice it, that when any country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it, there is a natural necessity compelling it to disburden itself, and lay the load upon others, by right or wrong; for (to omit the danger of pestilence, often visiting them which live in throngs) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses and contempt of death, as the torments and threats of famine: wherefore the war that is grounded upon this general remediless necessity may be termed the general and remediless, or necessary

war.

Against which, that our country is better provided, as may be shewed hereafter, than any civil nation to us known, we ought to hold it a great blessing of God, and carefully retain the advantages he hath given us.

Besides, this remediless, or necessary war, which is not frequent, there is a war voluntary and customable, unto which the offended party is not compelled: and this customary war, which troubleth all the world, giveth little respite or breathing-time of peace, and doth usually borrow

pretence from the necessity, to make itself appear more honest; for covetous ambition thinking all too little which at present it hath, supposeth itself to stand in need of all which it hath not.

Wherefore if two bordering princes have their territories meeting in an open campaign, the more mighty will continually seek occasion to extend his limits to the further border thereof.

If they be divided by mountains, they will fight for the mastery of the passage of the tops, and finally for the towns that stand upon the roots.

If rivers run between them, they contend for the bridges; and think themselves not well assured, until they have fortified the further bank.

Yea, the sea itself must be very broad, barren of fish, and void of little islands interjacent, else will it yield plentiful argument of quarrel to the kingdoms which it serveth: all this proceeds from desire of having; and such desire from fear of want.

Hereunto may be added, that in these arbitrary wars, there is commonly to be found some small measure of necessity, though it seldom be observed; perhaps, because it extendeth not so far as to become public: for where many younger sons, of younger brothers, have neither lands nor means to uphold themselves; and where many men of trade, or useful profession, know not how to bestow themselves for lack of employ, there can it not be avoided, but that the whole body of the state (howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed) should suffer anguish by the grievance of these ill-affected members.

It sufficeth not that the country hath wherewith to sustain even more than lives upon it, if means be wanting whereby to drive convenient participation of the general store into a great number of well deservers.

In such cases there will be complaining, commiseration, and finally murmur, (as men are apt to lay the blame of those evils whereof they know not the ground upon public misgo

vernment,) unless order be taken for some redress by the sword, of injury supposed to be done by foreigners; whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing ear: and in this regard I think it was that the great cardinal, Francis de Amiens, who governed Spain in the minority of Charles V. hearing tell that 8,000 Spaniards were lost in the enterprise of Algiers, under don Diego de Vera, made light of the matter, affirming, " that Spain stood in need "of such evacuations." Foreign war serving (as king Ferdinand had wont so say) "like a potion of rhubarb, to "waste away choler from the body of the realm."

Certainly, among all kingdoms of the earth, we shall scarce find any that stand in less need than Spain of having the veins opened by an enemy's sword; the many colonies it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humours yet is not that country thereby dispeopled, but maintaineth still growing upon it (like a tree from whom plants have been taken to fill whole orchards) as many as it can well nourish.

And to say what I think; if our king Edward III. had prospered in his French wars, and peopled with English the towns which he won, as he began at Calais, driving out the French; the kings (as his successors) holding the same course, would by this time have filled all France with our nation, without any notable emptying of this island.

The like may be affirmed upon like suspicion of the French in Italy, or almost of any others; as having been verified by the Saxons in England, and Arabians in Barbary. What is then become of so huge a multitude, as would have overspread a great part of the continent? Surely, they died not of old age, nor went out of the world by the ordinary ways of nature; but famine and contagious distempers, the sword, the halter, and a thousand mischiefs have consumed them. Yea, of many of them perhaps children were never born; for they that want means to nourish children will abstain from marriage; or (which is all one) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women; or

otherwise make unequal or unhealthy matches for gain; or because of poverty they think it a blessing, which in nature is a curse, to have their wives barren.

Were it not thus, arithmetical progression might easily demonstrate how fast mankind would increase in multitude, overpassing (as miraculous, though indeed natural) the examples of the Israelites, who were multiplied in 215 years from 70 unto 600,000 able men. Hence we may observe, that the very progression of our kind hath with it a strong incentive even of those daily wars which afflict the whole earth. And that princes, excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity, speak often more truly than they are aware; there being indeed a great necessity, though not apparent, as not extending to the generality, but resting upon private heads.

Wherefore other cause of war, merely natural, there is none: the want of room upon the earth, which pincheth the whole nation, begets the remediless war; vexing only some number of particulars, it draws on the arbitrary. But to the kindling of arbitrary war there are many other motives. The most honest of these is fear of harm, and prevention of danger; this is just, and taught by nature, which labours more strongly in removing evil, than in pursuit of what is requisite unto good: nevertheless, because war cannot be without natural violence, it is manifest, that allegation of danger and fear serves only to excuse the suffering party, the wrong-doer being carried by his own will; so that war thus caused proceeds from nature not altogether, but in part.

A second motive is revenge of injury sustained. This might be avoided, if all men could be honest, otherwise not; for princes must give protection to their subjects and adherents, when worthy occasion shall require it, else they will be held unworthy and insufficient; than which there can be to them no greater peril.

Wherefore Cæsar, in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatened on one side, and the opinion that there should be in him parum præsidii, little safeguard