tion of the temper of the times. On June 29th, Mr. Williams Wynn rose, pursuant to notice, to bring before the attention of the House the formation of a society which existed in direct contradiction to the law of the land. After referring to the provisions of the act of 1799, against secret political societies, he adverted to the original institution of the Orange Society in Ireland, concerning which, however, he did not choose to pronounce; but now, for the first time, he said, they were proposed to be established in this country, and nothing could be more mischievous or ill-timed than such an institution. Much of what he had intended to say was rendered unnecessary by a pamphlet which had been distributed in the lobby of the House, containing the rules and regulations of the Orange Society. He quoted from it the following oath taken by the members: "I, A. B., do solemnly and sincerely swear, of my own free will and accord, that I will, to the utmost of my power, support and defend the present king George the Third, his heirs and successors, so long as he or they shall support the Protestant ascendancy, &c." What (observed the hon. gentleman) could be thought of such an oath! Conditional allegiance! loyalty depending upon the maintenance of the Protestant ascendancy ! terms hitherto unknown in this country. Might not every man who took it think himself discharged from his allegiance were the royal assent given to a bill for the relief of the Irish Catholics! Such would infallibly be its effect upon weak and vulgar minds. He proceeded to consider the oath of

a Marchman or Marksman, the name of one further. initiated in their secrets. He swears that he "will never reveal either part or parts of what is privately communicated to him, until he shall be duly authorized so to do by the proper authority of the Orange Institution." In this declaration no salvo was made for legal examination in a court of justice. The secretary also swears that "he will not give any copy of the secret articles of the lodge, nor lend them out of the lodge;" an oath that openly sets aside the authority of the law, and avows the existence of further regulations than those communicated to the public. He next referred to the means provided for establishing these societies throughout the country. It appeared that Orange lodges met regularly in London, Manchester, Birmingham, Liverpool, Norwich, Sunderland, Dover, Chelmsford, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Sheffield, Bury, Halifax, Exeter, Plymouth, Chester, Cambridge, Coventry, Oldham, and many of the smaller towns. The publisher of the pamphlet was to give information respecting the days of meeting, the lodges, &c. to any Orangeman, or person desirous of becom ing one. Provisions were made for establishing district lodges; and regiments being considered as districts, the masters of all regimental lodges were to make halfyearly returns of the number, names, &c. of the members, to the secretary of the grand lodge; and in these military lodges, in defiance of all discipline, officers and privates were to meet on terms of equality. The expenses of the society were also provided for; their

organization was announced in the public papers, especially in those known to be under the control of government; names of high rank had appeared uncontradicted among the members; and it be came the imperious duty of the House to check the evil in its growth. After some further observations on the dangerous nature of such institutions, the hon. member moved, "That a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of certain illegal societies under the denomination of Orangemen."

Mr. Bathurst did not doubt that these persons had involved themselves in a breach of the law, how ever involuntarily, and hoped that the motion might be useful to them. He did not, however, see any occasion for the interference of parliament, and thought it would be best to pass to the orders of the day.

Mr. Stuart Wortley strongly condemned the principle of these societies, and equally disapproved of others of a contrary tendency, who met and dined together, assuming exclusively the title of Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty. He also severely censured the proceedings of the Catholic committee, and the resolutions of the Catholic bishops.

Mr. Whitbread could not see any connection which the present question had with the dinner of the Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty, in which there was no principle of exclusion, but the tickets were open to all who chose to apply for them. He did not think the subject ought to be dismissed in the manner proposed by the right hon. gentleman (Mr.

Bathurst). Were none but unwary persons concerned? Was it not rather wary and insidious to publish two sets of pamphlets, in one of which, designed for the more educated, the conditional oath was omitted, whilst it was inserted in the other which was to be circulated among private soldiers, and the lower orders of society. Ought not the House to inquire into this dark conspiracy, calculated to sever the Protestants from their Catholic brethren? Great names had been mentioned as connected with these Orange clubs. The titles of two of the individuals who held the first stations in the kingdom (the prince of Wales and the duke of York) had been profaned by being coupled with these disgraceful meetings. He wished, and had expected, to have heard a disclaimer of any such patronage and support afforded by them.

Mr. Canning was glad to observe that, in the discussions which the subject had created, no one had stood forth in defence of the innocence of these institutions. It had been said that in Ireland such societies had been beneficial to the state, and to the safety of part of the community. He did not wish, however, to introduce into this part of the empire those symbols, watch-words, and whisperings, which conveyed the idea that there was need of some unheard-of devices to protect the constitution. He felt some indignation at the manner in which the subject had been pressed upon the House. It was like telling them that the government was untrue to its trust, and that the care of the public safety devolved on the good sense of the nation, which they modestly

assumed to be vested in themselves. Such proceedings would call for severity; but he hoped that this society needed only to be noticed to sink into oblivion; and he wished therefore that the House should separate without any division.

Lord Castlereagh entirely concurred with the last speaker. It was but justice to the individuals who composed the society in question to say that they were not disaffected to the state; but the act of 1799 stamped illegality upon all such associations. They were always dangerous, but especially so when extended to military bodies.

Mr. Wynn said, that in compliance with the general wish of the House, he would withdraw his motion; but he hoped that his majesty's ministers would be alive to every attempt to carry the plan of these societies into execution.

On June 28th, the following message was presented by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the House of Commons.

"The Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, considering that it may be of very great importance to provide for such emergencies as may arise, and relying on the experienced zeal and affection of the House of Commons, trusts that this House will enable him to take such measures as may be necessary to disappoint or defeat any enterprizes or designs of his enemies, and as the exigency of affairs may require."

The report upon this message being brought up on June 30th, Mr. Whitbread rose to make a few observations previous to an

address which he meant to move to the Prince Regent, with a view of putting his sentiments upon record. He first remarked upon the unprecedented amount of the vote of credit proposed, being the sum of five millions, which he thought infinitely too great. He then alluded to two different periods, that of the French emperor's being pursued from Russia almost within his ancient boundaries, and that of the retreat of the allies beyond the Elbe, in which terms of negociation for peace appeared to him attainable, but had been neglected. He thought that the conduct of the allies in their treaties for the dismemberment of Denmark, and their holding out no expectations of the restoration of Poland, proved that they had not at heart the real benefit of mankind, or a sincere wish to establish peace on the continent; and he hoped that the cabinet of St. James's would cooperate in any future attempts to effect that desirable end. Not, however, having the confidence he I could wish in our councils, he meant to move a temperate address on the subject when the vote of credit should be agreed to.

Lord Castlereagh thought it would be best on all accounts not to enter into any details on the points noticed by the last speaker, whose views concerning peace were rather peculiar, since he imagined that negociation could always be entered upon, and never was it attempted but he considered his own government as the party placing impediments in its way. If the hon. member were not blind to what passed on the other side of the water, he would have read in an official instrument

of Buonaparte after his flight from Russia, a notification of the terms on which alone he would listen to peace, among which was that his dynasty must reign in Spain. As a case prima facie he had no right to say that we were indisposed to a peace on terms consistent with our independence and honour. As to the cases of Finland and Poland, how was it that they never heard from the hon. member that France was also bound to divest herself of her aggrandizements?

After Mr. Abercromby had spoken in defence of the sentiments and propositions of his hon. friend (Mr. W.); and Mr. Marryat had made some observations on the impossibility that this country could treat with France while she made the treaty of Utrecht the basis of our maritime rights; the resolution for a vote of credit was agreed to.

Mr. Whitbread then rose, and having protested against some of the inferences drawn by the noble lord from his speech, moved an humble address to the Prince Regent, expressing the confidence of the House, that while they voted a sum of unexampled magnitude to be placed at the discretion of his Royal Highness, he would not fail to use his utmost exertions in procuring to the country a peace founded upon a secure, honourable, and permanent basis.

The address was negatived with

out a division.

On July 22nd, the House of Lords having assembled, the Prince Regent entered in state, and being seated on the throne, the Speaker of the House of Commons, holding in his hand the vote of credit

bill, made an address to his royal highness, recapitulating the various transactions of the year, and the chief public proceedings in parliament, with a pointed and remarkable reference to the rejection of the Catholic claims. See State Papers.

The Prince Regent then closed the session with a speech to the following purport. He began with alluding to the successes of the marquis of Wellington in Spain, in particular at the battle of Vittoria, affording the best prospect of delivering the Peninsula from the tyranny of France, and justifying the wisdom of parliament in persevering with steadiness in the contest. He then touched upon

the failure of the French ruler in his designs against Russia, and the events which had since taken place in Germany, and mentioned the cordial union subsisting between himself and the courts of Petersburgh, Berlin, and Stockholm, and his trust that with the aids so liberally granted, he should be enabled to render this union effectual for the accomplishment of its great purposes. He lamented the continuance of the war with the United States of America, and asserted his unabated desire of reestablishing friendly relations between the two countries, but said that he could not consent to purchase peace by a sacrifice of the maritime rights of the British empire. His Royal Highness then expressed his satisfaction with the measures adopted for the redemption of the national debt, and the provision made for the prosecution of the war with the least practicable addition to the public burdens.

He stated his entire approbation of the arrangements made for the government of the British territories in the Indies, and the regulation of commerce in that part of the world; and he concluded with his resolution to employ the means put into his hands by parliament

in such a manner as may be best calculated to reduce the extravagant pretensions of the enemy, and facilitate the attainment of a safe and honourable peace.

The lord chancellor then announced the prorogation of parliament.

VOL. LV.

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